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『偏在するファシズム』への道か？：永続化される「長い戦争」（I．Herald Tribune社説）
２月１０日付International Herald Tribune紙はWilliam Pfaffによる『永続化される「長い戦争」』と題された社説を公表しました。
翻訳の時間が取れないのですが、後ろに社説全文を貼り付けておきますので、重要箇所だけをご説明します。
第１段落の訳文を示します。
《パリ---米国国防総省とホワイトハウスは、合衆国が今や「長い戦争」を、以前に反テロ戦争として知られていたものというよりもむしろ、暴力的過激主義に対する全地球的な闘争、短く言えば――ペンタゴンが明らかにするある研究の言い方によれば――「偏在する敵対者」に対する戦争を、行いつつあると断定した。》
"the Universal Adversary"は一応「偏在する敵対者」という仮の訳をしておきますが、どうもうまい表現が見つかりません。“Universal”というと、私はどうしてもあのネオコン・ファシスト、マイケル・レディーンの“Universal Fascism”を連想してしまいます。
（参照）
http://asyura2.com/0505/holocaust2/msg/398.html
ユダヤ・ファシズムの系譜：ジャボチンスキーからシャロンまで（４）嘘で世界を操る野郎ども
Universalは「普遍的に存在する」「全面的に展開する」「すべての方面で徹底している」などなどのニュアンスがあると思います。だから『"the Universal Adversary"に対する戦争』とは、地球上のあらゆる場所に敵を見つけて攻撃をかける戦争、ということになるのでしょうか。もちろん「反テロ世界戦争」が深化した形としては当然のごとく予想されるものでしょう。
同時にまた、これが「偏在するファシズム」“Universal Fascism”に直結するであろうことも明らかに予想されます。実際に欧州では、ヒシヒシと“Universal Fascism”の足音が聞こえてきているのです。これは現実です。
（参照）
http://asyura2.com/0601/war78/msg/384.html
「悪魔の絵」byイズラエル・シャミール【概訳】：ユダヤ・メディアのコントロールに打ち勝たなければならない
もう一箇所、最後から２番目の段落を訳してみます。
《アルカイダと個々の国際テロリストたちは世界的に広がる諜報網と警察行動の目標である。彼らは周辺にある現象なのだ。ブッシュ政権によるテロリストと世界的な動乱との融合は、米国社会での、オサマ・ビン・ラディンで想像された何よりもはるかに不吉な脅威を民主主義に対して与えるような変化を、永続化させるために利用されているのである。》
これが「偏在するファシズム」“Universal Fascism”の実現へ向けての動き以外の何でしょうか。
（参照）
http://asyura2.com/0510/war76/msg/948.html
レオ・シュトラウスはジャボチンスキーの舎弟でナチの取り巻きだった！
http://asyura2.com/0601/war77/msg/261.html
元レーガン政権高官「ブッシュはヒトラー、９・１１は独国会放火」(Arctic Beacon)
http://asyura2.com/0601/war77/msg/859.html
ナチ・ブッシュ政権（by Ted Lang；rense.com）【全文の簡訳】
＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊
International Herald Tribune
http://www.iht.com/articles/2006/02/10/news/edpfaff.php
William Pfaff: A 'long war' designed to perpetuate itself
TMSI
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 2006
PARIS -- The U.S. Defense Department and the White House have decided that the United States is now conducting "the Long War" rather than what previously was known as the War against Terror, then as the Global Struggle against Violent Extremism, and briefly - as one revealing Pentagon study described it - a war against "the Universal Adversary."
President George W. Bush said in his State of the Union address last month that the aim of his administration is to defeat radical Islam. This was a preposterous statement. Shortly afterward, radical Islam began burning embassies from Afghanistan and Indonesia to Damascus and Beirut. The United States is not going to defeat that.
There are a great many dismaying aspects of Bush's Washington, but nothing more so than this combination of the unachievable with the hortatory in giving a name and purpose to the military campaigns that already have the U.S. Army and Marine Corps near exhaustion, and a major part of the world in turmoil.
It is customary, politically desirable and morally indispensable to say seriously what a war is about, if only so that the public will know when it is over; when the declared and undeclared measures of exception that have accompanied it, justifying suspension of civil liberties, illegal practices and defiance of international law and convention, will be lifted; and when the killing may be expected to stop.
What was originally to be a matter of quick and exemplary revenge, with lightning attacks and acclaimed victories, has now become, we are told, the long war whose end cannot be foreseen. The citizen is implicitly told to expect the current suspension of constitutional norms, disregard for justice, and defiance of limits on presidential power as traditionally construed, to continue indefinitely. We are in a new age, America's leaders say. The Democratic opposition seems to agree.
What started as the war against terror, proclaimed by the president to Congress in the aftermath of the 2001 attacks, has undergone a metamorphosis. The initial interpretation was that the people responsible for the World Trade Center attacks and other terrorist outrages against Americans and their interests would be discovered, defeated and killed or brought to justice.
Surely that is what most Americans thought when the search began for Osama bin Laden, Mullah Mohammed Omar and members of Al Qaeda. Today bin Laden and Mullah Omar are somewhere in Waziristan, in Pakistan's tribal areas, tracked by the CIA and Pakistani soldiers (with different degrees of enthusiasm). There is an insurrection in Iraq, which had nothing to do with Al Qaeda when it started, but from which Al Qaeda and Abu Musab Al-Zarqawi now draw global publicity.
Elsewhere, violent and alienated members of the Muslim diaspora in Europe claim the brand-identification of Al Qaeda to dramatize their own exploits, as do discontented sons of the Saudi Arabian and other Middle Eastern elites.
Yet even if you include the 9/11 casualties, the number of Americans killed by international terrorists since the late 1960s (which is when the State Department began counting them) is about the same as that killed by lightning - or by accident-causing deer, or by severe allergic reactions to peanuts.
"In almost all years, the total number of people worldwide who die at the hands of international terrorists is not much more than the number who drown in bathtubs in the United States" wrote John Mueller of Ohio State University in last autumn's issue of the authoritative American journal Terrorism and Political Violence.
As Mueller concedes, there is a definitional issue: Few insurgents in Iraq are internationals; most are homegrown. And if aspirant terrorists in London or Paris had nuclear bombs, the numbers would become rather different.
Nonetheless, a phenomenon that is scattered, limited and under control, and inevitably transient, has been conflated by Washington with something that is huge and very serious: the desperation among the Muslim masses that is directed indiscriminately against Western nations, which are held responsible for Islamic society's backwardness, poverty and exploitation.
Al Qaeda and individual international terrorists are the object of worldwide intelligence and police operations. They are a marginal phenomenon. The Bush administration's conflation of them with the social upheaval in their world is exploited to perpetuate changes in American society that provide a much more sinister threat to democracy than anything ever dreamed by Osama bin Laden.
The radical threat to the United States is at home.
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