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投稿者 Foreign Affairs January / February 2001 日時 2001 年 1 月 07 日 10:46:02:
回答先: Re: The Tiananmen Papers 投稿者 Foreign Affairs January / February 2001 日時 2001 年 1 月 07 日 10:45:02:
(continued)
JUNE FOURTH
Tiananmen Square lies at the geographic center of the capital city and
just southeast of Zhongnanhai, where the last dynasty's emperors had
their hunting park and where top Communist Party leaders now work.
Beginning with the May Fourth movement against imperialism and for
democracy in 1919, Tiananmen has also become a traditional site for
popular protests. These protests have often been led by university
students, who are especially numerous here because Beijing is the
country's preeminent center of higher education.
As soldiers entered the city in plainclothes and in uniform, instead of
meeting with popular understanding they encountered anger and some
violence. The party leaders' hopes of avoiding bloodshed foundered on
this resistance and the troops' emotional reaction to it.
The government's internal reports claimed that Deng Xiaoping's goal of
no deaths in Tiananmen Square was achieved. Most of the deaths
occurred as troops moved in from the western suburbs toward
Tiananmen along Fuxingmenwai Boulevard at a location called Muxidi,
where anxious soldiers reacted violently to popular anger. In the
following days the government confronted international and domestic
reactions so vociferous that they threatened to fulfill Deng Xiaoping's
worst fear: that a bloody denouement would make it impossible to
continue reform at home and the open-door policy abroad.
NATIONWIDE PROTESTS CONTINUE
Between June 5 and 10, Zhongnanhai received nearly a hundred reports
from the provinces on local reactions and on emergency meetings and
police deployments undertaken in response. There were demonstrations
in 181 cities, including all the provincial capitals, the major cities, and
special economic zones. Many forms of protest, some of them violent,
emerged. By June 8, the situation had begun to stabilize in some cities.
On the afternoon of June 9, Deng Xiaoping gave a talk to high-ranking
officials of the martial law troops, and the State Council and the Public
Security Ministry issued directives that led municipal public security
offices to launch an all-out campaign to arrest student leaders and
citizen activists.
By June 10, this campaign effectively throttled protest activities
everywhere, and an outward calm set over the country.
THE LEADERS TAKE STOCK
On June 6, two and a half days after what was now officially called
"putting down the counterrevolutionary riots," the healthier elders (Deng
Xiaoping, Li Xiannian, Peng Zhen, Yang Shangkun, Bo Yibo, and
Wang Zhen) met with the currently serving members of the Politburo
Standing Committee (Li Peng, Qiao Shi, and Yao Yilin), plus National
People's Congress head Wan Li and the incoming Party general
secretary, Jiang Zemin.
Excerpts from Party Central Office Secretariat, "Minutes of the CCP
Central Politburo Standing Committee meeting," June 6, with a small
number of supplements added from a tape recording of the meeting:
Deng Xiaoping: If we hadn't been firm with these counterrevolutionary
riots -- if we hadn't come down hard -- who knows what might have
happened? The PLA has suffered a great deal; we owe them a lot, we
really do. If the plots of the people who were pushing the riots had
gotten anywhere, we'd have had civil war. And if there had been civil
war -- of course our side would have won, but just think of all the
deaths! ...
Li Xiannian: If we hadn't put down those counterrevolutionary riots,
could we be talking here now? The PLA soldiers really are the brothers
of the Chinese people, as well as the sturdy pillars of the Party and the
state. ...
Yang Shangkun: We've paid a high price for putting down these
counterrevolutionary riots. Restoring social order in Beijing should be
our top priority now, and that means we've got a lot of political thought
work to do.
Bo Yibo: I've got some material here -- reports from all the big Western
news services and TV networks about the so-called June 4 bloodbath
at Tiananmen and the numbers of dead and wounded. Let me read it.
Associated Press: "At least five hundred dead." NBC: "Fourteen
hundred dead, ten thousand wounded." ABC: "Two thousand dead."
American intelligence agencies: "Three thousand dead." BBC: "Two
thousand dead, up to ten thousand injured." Reuters: "More than one
thousand dead." L'Agence France-Presse:
"At least fourteen hundred
dead, ten thousand injured." UPI: "More than three hundred dead."
Kyodo News Agency: "Three thousand dead, more than two thousand
injured." Japan's Yomiuri Shimbun: "Three thousand dead."
The impact is huge when numbers like these get spread all over the
world! We need to counterattack against these rumors right now.
Deng Xiaoping: We should mete out the necessary punishments, in
varying degrees, to the ambitious handful who were trying to subvert the
People's Republic. ... But we should be forgiving toward the student
demonstrators and petition signers, whether from Beijing, from
elsewhere in China, or from overseas, and we shouldn't try to track
down individual responsibility among them. We also need to watch our
methods as we take control of the situation.
We should be extra careful about laws, especially the laws and
regulations on assembly, association, marches, demonstrations,
journalism, and publishing. Activities that break the law must be
suppressed. We can't just allow people to demonstrate whenever they
want to. If people demonstrate 365 days a year and don't want to do
anything else, reform and opening will get nowhere. ...
ROUNDING UP DEMOCRACY ACTIVISTS
The work of hunting down activists of the democracy movement in
Beijing was shared by the martial law troops, the People's Armed
Police, and the Municipal Public Security Bureau. Guidelines like the
following help explain why most of those detained suffered physical
abuse.
Excerpt from Martial Law Headquarters, "Unify thinking, distinguish
right from wrong, complete the martial law task with practical actions,"
June 10:
In order to dissipate the anger and antagonism that martial law troops
feel toward the residents of Beijing, to clarify the muddled
understanding that many people have, to isolate the tiny minority of
rioters from the vast majority of Beijing residents, and to establish
correct attitudes toward the people, we need to ask all the officers and
soldiers to concentrate their hatred on the small handful of thugs and
rioters, to smash their evil nests, to punish the rioters, and to wrap up
their martial law duties through conc
rete actions.
Issues number 26, 31, and 37 of the Beijing Public Security Bureau's
Public Order Situation (Zhi'an qingkuang) show that 468
"counterrevolutionary rioters and creators of turmoil" had been arrested
by June 10. On June 17, eight of these were sentenced to death for
"beating, smashing, robbing, burning, and other serious criminal offenses
during the counterrevolutionary riots in Beijing." By June 20, the number
of "counterrevolutionary rioters" and "turmoil elements" who had been
arrested was 831; by June 30, it was 1,103. Most of the arrestees were
held in temporary detention centers or makeshift jails.
Once the situation in Beijing was under control and province-level
authorities throughout the country had expressed their support, Party
Central unfolded a series of measures against activists throughout the
country.
THE MOOD ON CAMPUS
A national survey conducted by the Xinhua News Agency at the end of
June found university students everywhere in a mood of terror and
resistance blanketed in silence.
Excerpt from Xinhua News Agency, "The ideological condition of
college students nationwide," Proofs on domestic situation (Guonei
dongtai qingyang), June 29:
Terror: A tense mood, under fear of punishment or arrest, pervades the
universities. Leaders of the student movement have departed their
campuses, and rumors are rampant about who is being picked up and
when. The students who were most active in the movement are the most
nervous. Some provinces have stipulated that even students who sat in
to block traffic should be arrested, and many students have grown so
insecure they cannot sleep well at night. ... Now the common mood is
worry; the students are all wondering, 'Am I going to get punished?'''
Resistance: Nationwide about one in five university students remains
defiant. These students scornfully resist government decrees and
oppose efforts to put down the riots. Some have adopted a "four
don'ts" policy toward the domestic media: don't listen, don't read, don't
believe, don't ask. Some students make obscene comments while they
watch television. Some write on the walls of their dormitories and
classrooms things like
"Shut up!" "Thunder from the silent zone!" "China
is dead!" "Where is justice?" "The government caused the turmoil!" "The
truth will out some day!" "Yet another Tiananmen incident!" and so on.
The students at many schools -- especially the boys -- sometimes seem
crazed. When the lights go out at night they vent their rage with wild
yelps and cries.
Silence: About one in three students maintains a purposeful silence.
After June Fourth all the universities required students to reflect on their
roles in the student movement. Many students kept going around in
circles, willing to address only a limited number of concrete questions.
On the matter of how to turn their own thinking around, they just kept
silent. "I don't know" became the answer to every question, silence the
shield against every arrow.
Chinese society fell into a deep anomie after June 4. Numbed, people
everywhere turned away from politics. The sensitive intellectual class,
and especially the young students with their exuberant idealism, entered
the 1990s with nothing like the admirable social engagement they had
shown in the 1980s. The campuses were tranquil, and China seemed
shrouded in a dour mist that harbored a spiritual emptiness. Money
ruled everything, morals died, corruption burgeoned, bribes were
bartered, and when all this became known on the campuses it turned
students thoroughly off politics. They had lost the idealism of the 1980s
and now concentrated only on their own fates.
Andrew J. Nathan is Professor of Political Science at
Columbia University and the author of numerous books,
including China's Transition. He is co-editor with Perry
Link, Professor of Chinese language and literature at
Princeton University, of The Tiananmen Papers, to be
published around the world this month by PublicAffairs
and in a Chinese version later this year. Documents in the
book were compiled by Zhang Liang (a pseudonym).
題名には必ず「阿修羅さんへ」と記述してください。