(回答先: フジテレビが紹介しなかった英紙タイムズ記事【反日デモ】 投稿者 匿名取締役 日時 2005 年 4 月 17 日 12:48:15)

赤旗の言及したと思われる6日の記事と11日の社説、それとオマケの11日の評論。連日のデモのため報道も毎日のよう。

http://www.timesonline.co.uk/printFriendly/0,,1-3-1556632,00.html
April 06, 2005
Japan faces storm over 'rewriting' war history
From Leo Lewis in Tokyo

A REVISED edition of a controversial Japanese school history book has provoked furious protests from China and South Korea and accusations that Tokyo is whitewashing its militaristic past.

Chinese supermarkets even began a boycott of Japanese foods after the book, produced by a right-wing publishing house, was approved by the Japanese Ministry of Education yesterday.

The book removes all mention of the Japanese military’s use of Chinese and Korean women as sex slaves, plays down the death toll of the 1937 Nanjing Massacre in China and simplifies descriptions of Chinese and Korean workers being forcibly shipped to Japan during the Second World War.

The South Korean Foreign Ministry said that the chapter dealing with Japan’s prewar imperial record amounted to a “serious distortion of history”.

It questioned “whether it will be possible for future generations to forge ahead in the direction of peace, coexistence and co-operation”.

The Chinese Foreign Ministry summoned the Japanese Ambassador to protest and called the book a “poison for Japan’s younger generations”, and said it “tries to exonerate the Japanese imperialists from the crimes they committed”.

The Association of Chinese Retailers called for a boycott of Japanese products, specifically Asahi Beer and the food giant Ajinomoto, because senior advisers to those companies sit on the Japanese Society for Textbook History Reform — a panel with notoriously nationalistic views. Fuso Publishing, which produces the books, accuses mainstream Japanese history textbooks of “self-denigration”.

For decades, Japanese textbooks have caused anger in Asia, with critics saying that they present too uncritical a view of their country’s past. When this book was first approved, in 2001, South Korea recalled its Ambassador for nine days in outrage.

The latest row comes at a time of great tension between Japan and its two neighbours. Seoul is furious over Tokyo’s claim to two tiny islands lying between the countries. Beijing is embroiled in an acrimonious battle with Tokyo over resource rights in the northern Pacific and bitterly opposes Japan’s ambition to win a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council.

The Japanese Vice-Foreign Minister urged the Chinese Ambassador yesterday to secure the safety of Japanese nationals in China, after a week of anti- Japanese street protests in Chengdu and Shenzhen, in which a Japanese-owned supermarket was vandalised.

Junichiro Koizumi, the Japanese Prime Minister, urged South Korea yesterday to exercise self-restraint, saying: “South Korea and Japan have a different stance, but it is not good to widen confrontation.”

The violent anti-Japanese protests in Beijing and two southern cities at the weekend were the biggest demonstrations in China for six years, and clearly took place with tacit government encouragement. The attacks on two Japanese students, the bottles, stones and abuse hurled at the Japanese Embassy and residence by an estimated 20,000 protesters and the burning of Japanese flags have infuriated Tokyo and embarrassed the Chinese Government, which generally has a fear of demonstrations. But there was no disguising its use of the mob to put pressure on Japan at a time of rising tensions: an official statement blamed worsening relations on Japan’s failure to atone for its wartime past.

The pretext is the decision by a few Japanese middle schools to use some history books next year that gloss over Japanese wartime atrocities — describing the Nanking massacre, for example, as an “incident”. But Chinese resentment goes deeper, and focuses on what it sees as the repeated failure of Japanese leaders and society to make a full apology for their wartime record or to accept the moral responsibility. As evidence, China cites the visits by Junichiro Koizumi, Japan ’s Prime Minister, to the Yasukuni shrine honouring all Japanese war dead, including war criminals.

Resentment of Japan’s insouciance over the past is widespread, and not confined solely to China: South Korea has also objected to the textbooks and Japan’s paltry efforts at atonement for Korean “comfort women”, forced into wartime military brothels. But China has exploited and exacerbated historic bitterness for political purposes: first, to divert attention from domestic tensions over economic disparities, unemployment, corruption and political restrictions; and secondly, to limit Japan’s influence in Asia at a time of growing political and economic competition with China.

One target this time is Japan’s expanded defence treaty with America, which Beijing sees as a sign that Tokyo is becoming more assertive. It is especially angered by Japanese endorsement of US moves to inhibit Chinese military pressure on Taiwan, which was colonised by Japan in 1895. The Communist Party is now playing a nationalist card to win backing at home. But creating an atmosphere viscerally hostile to Japan, which some Chinese companies no doubt hope will blunt Japanese competition, could have dangerous consequences.

Japanese opinion is no longer so subservient. Aid to China has ended, and Mr Koizumi, fearful of challenge to his Liberal Democratic Party on the Right, is in no hurry to visit Beijing. Trade is flourishing, as is Japanese investment in China, regardless of Beijing’s bluster. But the economic relationship could well be threatened. Mr Koizumi must prove that he is a genuine reformer by finding a different ceremony to honour the nation’s war dead and to ensure that the annual ritual of textbook tension is brought to an end. Meanwhile, China’s leaders must understand that they will be the ultimate losers if they encourage a marauding mob mentality.

HISTORY, pride, face and domestic politics are a powerful mix that suddenly has made Japan’s relations with China their worst for decades.

The ostensible cause for Chinese fury is the choice of a few middle schools to use some history textbooks in 2006 that gloss over atrocities of the Second World War — describing the Nanking massacre of 300,000 civilians, for example, as an “incident”.

However, resentment goes back further: China insists that Japan has neither fully apologised for the war, nor accepted moral responsibility.

At issue is the annual visit by Junichiro Koizumi to the Yasukuni Shrine, honouring all Japan’s war dead, including war criminals hanged by the allies. Chinese protests have made it hard for Mr Koizumi to cancel his visit without losing face. His Government feels obliged to take a tougher stance as it is unsure how to deal with China’s growing political and economic strength and its competition for influence in Asia and for energy resources.

Japan believes that Beijing is whipping up wartime memories as a national unifying factor to divert attention from domestic problems.

China, however, is furious that Japan is discussing with the United States an expanded role for its defence forces.

All these are old issues, but face and domestic politics have made a solution difficult. Japan resents Chinese opposition to its quest for permanent United Nations Security Council membership. Tensions have also grown over a group of disputed islands and a Chinese boycott of Japanese goods.

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