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(回答先: 北朝鮮の核と比べ不公平 査察協力誇示のイラク紙 投稿者 倉田佳典 日時 2002 年 12 月 31 日 16:08:07)
The New York Times
＞米国の対応は「不公平」で「二重基準だ」
だと言う事ですが、今日のニューヨークタイムズの記事です。
＜超適当な要約ですみません。＞
昨今の、北朝鮮の各施設再稼働の件と、一向に勢いが衰える事を知らないテロ攻撃への恐怖の件は、ブッシュ大統領がイラク攻撃への執着を一歩譲歩し、最優先課題をもう一度考え直して見るのには良い動機になるのではないか。。。
今のホワイトハウスにしても、マスコミの習性から考えても、問題なく二正面攻撃が出来るとは思えない。その上、イラク攻撃後の余韻だとか後片付けで、次へ行くには一年くらいはかかるだろう。北朝鮮や世界規模テロリストの方が、イラクよりヤバいのに、イラクなんかに構っていると、もっと面倒な事になるのではないか。イラク以外にする事色々あるのでは無いか。
（しかしながら、）今さら、イラクではかなり査察が進行しているし、これまでの努力をそのまま自然の成り行きに任せる方が、国連への責務にも一貫性があると言う事になるし、同盟国との関係の事も考えると、そちらの方が良いだろう。イラクの方は、根気強く、非強制的なやり方で、じっくり調査した方がよりはっきりとした事が分かる様になるだろう。
なので、ブッシュ氏にはあまりお勧め出来ないイラク攻撃への手筈を慎重に踏んでほしい。
最近のこの件の展開を見ていると、この疑問点を考えても見ないと言うのは、現在の、正当化するのも難しく賢い選択だとも言えない（戦略の）進み具合への自信の程を良く表わしているのではないだろうか。
＜コメント＞欧米では、ワイドショー等で報道される様な北朝鮮の悲惨な姿がテレビで流されているでしょうか？
http://www.smh.com.au/articles/2002/07/19/1026898919587.html
この様な現状が本格的に、欧米のテレビで報道されはじめると、世界世論は一夜でアンチ北朝鮮になるのではないでしょうか？
Editorial/Op-Ed
December 31, 2002
Iraq Belongs on the Back Burner
By WARREN M. CHRISTOPHER
LOS ANGELES
North Korea's startling revival of its nuclear program, coupled with the unrelenting threat of international terrorism, presents compelling reasons for President Bush to step back from his fixation on attacking Iraq and to reassess his administration's priorities.
North Korea's reopening of its plutonium reprocessing plant at Yongbyon puts it within six months of being able to produce sufficient weapons-grade material to generate several nuclear bombs. Contrast this with Iraq. Not only is North Korea much further along than Iraq in building nuclear weapons but, by virtue of its longer-range missiles, it has a greater delivery capability.
Every option for dealing with this situation ﾑ including the administration's "structured containment" ﾑ is fraught with danger and potentially disastrous consequences. Having participated in the discussions leading up to the now-violated 1994 agreed framework with North Korea, I am convinced that this crisis requires sustained attention from top government officials, including the president. It's important to remember that devising a solution for the North Korean crisis will require sustained diplomatic efforts with China, South Korea and other countries of the region. All this will take time, energy and attention.
And then there is the war on terrorism. Deadly terrorist attacks continue around the globe, wreaking havoc in far-flung places such as Indonesia, Kenya, Jordan and Yemen, where three American missionaries were killed by a gunman yesterday. Here at home, we remain highly vulnerable to terrorist attacks and woefully unprepared to cope with the consequences. We cannot put this issue on the back burner.
In foreign affairs, Washington is chronically unable to deal with more than one crisis at a time. As deputy secretary of state in the Carter administration, I helped to negotiate the release of 52 Americans held hostage in the United States Embassy in Iran. I recall how this relatively confined crisis submerged all other issues for 14 months, including the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Similarly, in the early years of the Clinton administration, our concentration on Bosnia and Haiti may have drawn our attention away from the killings in Rwanda.
While Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld may be right in saying that our military can fight two wars at the same time, my experience tells me that we cannot mount a war against Iraq and still maintain the necessary policy focus on North Korea and international terrorism. Anyone who has worked at the highest levels of our government knows how difficult it is to engage the attention of the White House on anything other than the issue of the day. For example, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict ﾑ a major crisis by any standard ﾑ now seems to be handled largely by an assistant secretary of state. Likewise, Afghanistan, which is at risk again of becoming a haven for terrorists, seems to be getting less attention than it deserves.
A United States-led attack on Iraq will overshadow all other foreign-policy issues for at least a year. In the early months, the news media can be expected to offer wall-to-wall combat stories, covered with characteristic one-dimensional intensity. Even if the optimistic predictions of quick victory prove to be accurate, we would then find ourselves absorbed with the occupation of Iraq and efforts to impose democracy on the fractious elements of that country.
Unless the president has been provided intelligence about Iraq's capacities that he has not shared or even hinted at in his public statements, the threats from North Korea and from international terrorism are more imminent than those posed by Iraq. No doubt the world would be better off without Saddam Hussein reigning in Iraq, but we must recognize that the effort of removing him right now may well distract us from dealing with graver threats.
We now have in place in Iraq a much stronger inspection regime than we had only a few months ago, and it would be both consistent with our obligations to the United Nations and conducive to sound relations with our allies to let that effort run its natural course. The present murky picture of Iraq's capacities and intentions may become much clearer after a sustained period of regular and surprise inspections and interrogations of Iraqi scientists in noncoercive circumstances.
Under our constitutional system, the president has pre-eminent power to establish priorities in foreign affairs ﾑ reinforced in the case of Iraq by Congressional action. Nevertheless, the decision to start a war, especially a pre-emptive war, requires a vision wider than the sole question of whether a favorable outcome is possible or likely. Before President Bush gives the signal to attack Iraq, he should take a new, broad look at the question of whether such a war, at this moment, is the right priority for America. In light of recent developments, failure to revisit the question would reflect a level of confidence in the present course that is unwarranted and unwise.
Warren Christopher was Secretary of State from 1993 to 1997.
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