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『亜空間通信』390号(2002/10/08)
【ニューヨークタイムズが隠蔽した米上院議員大統領二重基準批判の陰に米大調査】
※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※
転送、転載、引用、訳出、大歓迎！
昨日(2002/10/07)、アメリカの友人から、長い英文が届いた。簡略に言うと、ニューヨークタイムズが報じた米上院での議論の抜粋（Excerpts）には、「イスラエルとトルコの方が、イラクよりも、もっと多く諸国家連合決議を無視してきた」(Israel and Turkey had ignored more Security Council resolutions than Iraq)という部分が抜けているという主旨である。
議論の主題は、イラク攻撃に関する「大統領の臨時権限」(president pro tem)であるから、これは重大な局面である。
発言者は、民主党の長老、バード議員(U.S.Senator Robert C. Byrd)である。経歴は以下を参照されたい。
http://byrd.senate.gov/byrd_bio/byrd_story/byrd_story.html
ブこの最長老が、ッシュ（坊や）大統領のイラクに関する非難に対して、（君の主張とは逆に）決議無視なら、イスラエルとトルコの方が多いよ、と言ったのである。まさにハイライト・シーンではないか。
しかし、その「抜粋」も長いから、どうしようかと迷って保留していたら、本日(2002/10/08)、以下の阿修羅戦争17掲示板への投稿が出現した。共同通信の配信記事である。バード議員の発言の背後には「米大調査」による「二重基準鮮明」の根拠が潜んでいたのである。アメリカの大学も捨てたものではない。早速、頂き、その後に上記の英文を添え、これで責任を果たす。
http://www.asyura.com/2002/war17/msg/158.html
国連決議違反の大半は親米国家 米大調査、二重基準鮮明 投稿者 倉田佳典 日時 2002 年 10 月 08 日 21:54:42:
10/08 16:28 決議違反の大半は親米国家 米大調査、二重基準鮮明 外信68
【ニューヨーク８日共同】大量破壊兵器査察をめぐるイラクの国連安全保障理事会決議違反が国際社会の焦点になる中、イラク以に十一カ国が計九十以上の安保理決議に違反し、そのうちの大半の国が米国から軍事、財政支援を受けている親米国家であることが八日、米国のサンフランシスコ大学の追跡調査で分かった。
米国のブッシュ政権はイラクの決議違反を列挙、武力行使容認に向けた「国連の行動」を迫っているが、米国に敵対する国だけを問題視し、友好国の違反には目をつぶるという二重基準が一段と鮮明になった。
同大のステファン・ズーネズ准教授（政治学）の研究チームがまとめた調査結果によると、安保理決議違反の上位三カ国はイスラエル（違反決議数三十二）、トルコ（同二十四）、モロッコ（同十六）で、いずれも米国政府が主張するイラクの決議違反数十六を上回るか同数になっている。
このほかの違反国はクロアチア、インドネシア、スーダンなどで、対象となる決議は計九十一となる。
イスラエルがパレスチナ問題で決議無視の姿勢を続けているのは広く知られているが、キプロス問題で北キプロス・トルコ共和国側の分離活動を支援してきたトルコと、西サハラに介入するモロッコに対しても、こうした行為の停止を求めた決議の多くが履行されていないという。
イスラム教国のトルコとモロッコは、伝統的に親米色が強く、東ティモール独立問題で国連から強い関与を求められたインドネシアも同様。
同准教授は「スーダンなど三カ国を除き、いずれも米国から何らかの支援を受けている」としている。
（了） ０２１００８ １６２７
[2002-10-08-16:28]
n a message dated 10/4/02 9:05:20 PM Eastern Daylight Time, ichee@aol.com
writes: In debate with Sen. Warner on Oct. 4th c. 3PM, Sen. Byrd said that
Israel and Turkey had ignored more Security Council resolutions than Iraq.
It is not reported in the following.
From: ichee@aol.com
Reply-To: ichee@aol.com
Date: Fri, 4 Oct 2002 20:58:03 -0400 (EDT)
To: ichee@aol.com
Subject: NYTimes.com Article: Excerpts of Speeches Made on Senate Floor
This article from NYTimes.com
has been sent to you by ichee@aol.com.
Excerpts of Speeches Made on Senate Floor
October 4, 2002
Following are excerpts from speeches yesterday by Senators Robert C. Byrd, Democrat of West Virginia, and Sam Brownback, Republican of Kansas, about the use of force against Iraq, as recorded by The New York Times. Their remarks were addressed to the president pro tem of the
Senate.
Senator Byrd
Titus Livius, one of the greatest of Roman historians, said all things will be clear and distinct to the man who does not hurry. Haste is blind and improvident. Blind and improvident, Mr. President, blind and improvident.
Congress would be wise to heed those words today. For as sure as the sun rises in the east, this country is embarking on a course of action with regard to Iraq that in its haste is both blind and improvident. We are rushing into war without fully discussing why, without thoroughly
considering the consequences, or without making any attempt
to explore what steps we might take to avert a conflict.
The newly bellicose mood that permeates this White House is unfortunate, all the more so because it is clearly motivated by campaign politics. Republicans are already running attack ads against Democrats on Iraq. Democrats favor fast approval of a resolution so they can change the subject to domestic economic problems.
Before risking the lives, I say to you the people out there who are watching through those electronic lenses, before risking the lives of your sons and daughters, American fighting men and women, all members of Congress, Democrats and Republicans alike, must overcome the siren song of political polls and focus strictly on the merits, not the
politics, of this most grave, this most serious undertaking, this most grave, this most serious issue that is before us.
Mr. President, the resolution S.J. Resolution 46, which will be before this Senate, is not only a product of haste, it is also a product of presidential hubris. This resolution is breathtaking, breathtaking in its scope. It
redefines the nature of defense. It reinterprets the Constitution to suit the will of the executive branch. This Constitution, which I hold in my hand, is amended without going through the constitutional process of amending this Constitution.
S.J. Resolution 46 would give the president blanket authority to launch a unilateral, pre-emptive attack on a sovereign nation that is perceived to be a threat to the United States. A unilateral, pre-emptive attack on a
sovereign nation that is perceived to be a threat to the United States. This is an unprecedented and unfounded interpretation of the president's authority under the Constitution of the United States, not to mention the fact that it stands the Charter of the United Nations on its head.
Representative Abraham Lincoln in a letter to William H. Herndon stated: "Allow the president to invade a neighboring nation whenever he shall deem it necessary to repel an invasion and you allow him to do so whenever he may choose to say he deems it necessary for such purpose.
When you allow him to make war at pleasure, study to see if you can fix any limit to his power and disrespect. After you have given him so much as you propose, if today he should choose to say he thinks it necessary to invade Canada to prevent the British from invading us, how could you stop him? You may say to him I see no probability of the British invading us. But he would say to you be silent. I see it if you don't."
The provision of the Constitution giving the war-making power to Congress was dictated as I understand it, said Abraham Lincoln, by the following reason: kings had always been involving and impoverishing their people in wars pretending generally if not always that the good of the people was the object. This our convention understood to be the most oppressive of all kingly oppressions. And they resolved to so frame the Constitution that no one man should hold the power of bringing this oppression upon us. But your view destroys the whole matter and places our president where kings have always stood.
Mr. President, if he could speak to us today, what would Abraham Lincoln say of the Bush doctrine concerning pre-emptive strikes? In a Sept. 18 report the Congressional Research Service had this to say about the pre-emptive use of military force: the historical record indicates that the
United States has never to date engaged in a pre-emptive military attack against another nation. Nor has the United States ever attacked another nation militarily prior to its first having been attacked or prior to U.S. citizens or interests first having been attacked, with the singular
exception of the Spanish-American War. The Spanish-American War is unique in that the principle goal of United States military action was to compel Spain to grant Cuba its political independence.
The Congressional Research Service also noted that the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 represents a threat situation, which some may argue had elements more parallel to those presented by Iraq today, but it was resolved without a pre-emptive military attack by the United States. Article1, Section 8 of the Constitution grants Congress the power
to declare war and to call forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions.
Nowhere, nowhere in this Constitution which I hold in my hand, nowhere in the Constitution is it written that the president has the authority to call forth the militia to pre-empt a perceived threat. And yet the resolution which will be before the Senate avers that the president "has
authority under the Constitution to take action in order to deter and prevent acts of international terrorism against the United States as Congress recognized in the joint resolution, on authorization for use of military force following the Sept. 11 terrorist attack." What a cynical
twisting of words. What a cynical twisting of words.
The reality is that Congress, exercising the authority granted to it under the Constitution, granted the president specific and limited authority to use force against the perpetrators of the Sept. 11 attack. Nowhere, nowhere was an implied recognition of inherent authority under the
Constitution to deter and prevent future acts of terrorism. It's not in there. It's not in that Constitution. There's no inference of it. There's no implication of it for that purpose.
Think for a moment of a precedent that this resolution will set not just for this president - hear me now, you on the other side of the aisle - not just for this president, but for future presidents. From the day forward American presidents will be able to invoke Senate Joint Resolution
46 as justification for launching pre-emptive military strikes against any sovereign nations that they perceive to be a threat.
You'd better pay attention. You're not always going to have a president of your party in the White House. How will you feel about it then? How will it be then?
Other nations will be able to hold up the United States, hold up the U.S.A. as the model to justify their military adventures. Do you not think, Mr. President, that India and Pakistan, China and Taiwan, Russia and Georgia are closely watching the outcome of this debate? Do you not think that
future adversaries will look to this moment to rationalize the use of military force to achieve who knows what ends?
Perhaps a case can be made that Iraq poses such a clear,
immediate danger to the United States that pre-emptive
military action is the only way to deal with that threat.
To be sure, weapons of mass destruction are a 20th century
and 21st century horror that the framers of the
Constitution had no way of foreseeing. But they did foresee
the frailty of human nature. And they saw the inherent
danger of concentrating too much power in one individual.
They saw that. That is why the framers bestowed on Congress
not the president the power to declare war.
As James Madison wrote in 1793, in no part of the
Constitution is more wisdom to be found than in the clause
which confines the question of war or peace to the
legislature and not to the executive department. Beside the
objection to such a mixture of heterogeneous powers the
trust and the temptation, the trust and the temptation
would be too great for any one man. That was James Madison.
The trust and the temptation would be too great for any one
man.
Mr. President, Congress has a responsibility to exercise
with extreme care the power to declare war. A war against
Iraq will affect thousands if not tens of thousands and
even hundreds of thousands of lives and perhaps alter the
course of history. It will surely affect the balance of
power in the Middle East. It is not a decision to be taken
in haste as we are being pushed today, as we are being
stampeded today to act in haste. Put it behind us they say
before the election. It will surely affect the balance of
power in the Middle East.
It is not a decision to be taken in haste under the glare
of election-year politics and the pressure of artificial
deadlines. And yet any observers can see that that is
exactly, that is precisely what the Senate is proposing to
do, the Senate and the House. What a shame. Fie upon the
Congress. Fie upon some of the so-called leaders of the
Congress for falling into this pit.
Mr. President, the Senate is rushing to vote on whether to
declare war on Iraq without pausing to ask why. We don't
have time to ask why. We don't have time to get the answers
to that question why. Why is war being dealt with not as a
last resort but as a first resort? Why is Congress being
pressured to act now? As of today, I believe 33 days before
a general election when a third of the United States Senate
and the entire House of Representatives are in the final
highly politicized weeks of election campaign.
Why, as recently as Tuesday, Oct. 1, this past Tuesday, the
president said he had not yet made up his mind. As late as
last Tuesday he had not yet made up his mind about whether
to go to war with Iraq. And yet Congress is being exhorted,
is being importuned, is being adjured to give the president
open-ended authority now. Give it to him now to exercise
whenever he pleases in the event that he decides to invade
Iraq. Where are we? Where are our senses?
Why is Congress elbowing past the president to authorize a
military campaign that the president may or may not even
decide to pursue? Aren't we getting a little ahead of
ourselves? The last U.N. weapons inspectors left Iraq in
October of 1998. We are confident that Saddam Hussein
retained some stockpiles of chemical and biological weapons
and that he has since embarked on a crash course to build
up his chemical and biological warfare capability.
Intelligence reports also indicate that he is seeking
nuclear weapons, but has not yet achieved nuclear
capability.
It is now October of this year of our Lord 2002. Four years
have gone by in which neither this administration nor the
previous one felt compelled to invade Iraq to protect
against the imminent threat of weapons of mass destruction
until today, until now, until 33 days before Election Day.
Now we're being asked, now we're being told that we must
act immediately. We must put this issue behind us. We must
put this question behind us. We must act immediately we are
told before adjournment and before the elections. Why the
rush? Why the rush?
Is it our precious blood which will spew forth from our
feeble veins? No. Those of you who have children, those of
you who have grandchildren, those of you who have
great-grandchildren should be thinking. It's the precious
blood of the men and women who wear the uniform of these
United States, that blood may flow in the streets of Iraq.
Yes, we had Sept. 11. But we must not make the mistake of
looking at the resolution before us as just another
offshoot of the war on terror. We know who was behind the
Sept. 11 attacks on the United States. We know it was Osama
bin Laden and his Al Qaeda terrorist network. We have dealt
with Al Qaeda and with the Taliban government that
sheltered it. We have routed them from Afghanistan. We are
continuing to pursue them in hiding. So where does Iraq
enter into the equation? Where?
No one in the administration has been able to produce any
solid evidence linking Iraq to the Sept. 11 attack. Iraq
had biological and chemical weapons long before Sept. 11.
We knew it then. We helped to give Iraq the building blocks
for biological weapons. We know it now. Iraq has been an
enemy of the United States for more than a decade. If
Saddam Hussein is such an imminent threat to the United
States why hasn't he attacked us already?
The fact that Osama bin Laden attacked the United States does not de facto mean that Saddam Hussein is now in a lock and load position and is readying an attack on these United States. Slow down. Think. Ask questions. Debate.
In truth, there is nothing in the deluge of administration rhetoric over Iraq that is of such moment that it would preclude the Senate from setting its own timetable and taking the time, taking the time for a thorough and informed discussion of this crucial issue.
Senator Brownback
As we look and move forward on the issue of Iraq and war with Iraq and the potential of providing the president with military authorization, I hope the body and the members and people across the country and across the world look at the potential of a post-Saddam Iraq.
Senator Kerry of Nebraska, former Senator Kerry of Nebraska and I have worked when he was in the Senate with a group called the Iraqi National Congress, it's an umbrella group of opposition leaders, to try to bring to the forefront opposition groups, bring them together and move forward
with the track that once Saddam is out, moving forward with the democracy, with human rights, with individual liberties for the people of Iraq.
And I think a lot of times we get caught too much in the, well, it's not whether we can get Saddam out, it's what are going to be the problems with doing this, and not seeing the upside potential. There's clear downside potential in taking on Saddam Hussein. There's no question about that - potential loss of lives, of our troops, our people,
terrorist threats, potential loss of lives in the region,
loss of life in Iraq. All of that is unquestionable and
undeniable.
It is also unquestionable and undeniable that Saddam
Hussein has killed a number of people already. He's gassed
his own people. He's attacked Iran. He's gassed Iranian
people. He continues to rule by fear. He's killed people
within his own cabinet. He's killed people within his own
family. This is a man familiar with evil and has exercised
it greatly. . . .
As Secretary Henry Kissinger said at a hearing that we had
last week, former Secretary Kissinger said, he views that
if we go in and deal with Iraq it's going to have a very
positive salutary effect on the war on terrorism. It's
going to say to a number of countries that we're serious on
dealing with terrorists, we're serious that countries that
house and support terrorists are our enemies - you're
either with us or against us in the war on terrorism.
And if we don't go at Iraq, that our effort in the war on
terrorism dwindles down into an intelligence operation. We
go at Iraq and it says to countries that support
terrorists, there remain six in the world that are as our
definition state sponsors of terrorists, you say to those
countries: We are serious about terrorism, we're serious
about you not supporting terrorism on your own soil.
This is going to be a big statement that we will make. It
is with a great deal of difficulty and it's with a great
deal of cost. But the option of doing nothing is far worse
than the option of doing something and acting now. And the
upside potential of our acting and helping allow the Iraqi
people their freedom to be able to move forward with a
democracy is significant upside potential within that
region for liberty and freedom to expand throughout that
area.
So while we have this debate on granting military authority
to the president, which is going to be a significant debate
in this body, and hopefully we'll look at all of the
issues, and I think we will. Particularly things like is
Saddam Hussein going to be able to get weapons of mass
destruction to terrorists and out of the country to attack
other people during this period of time.
I hope we'll also look at the downside of not doing
something and the upside of helping people pursue freedom
and liberty like what is the potential of taking place in
Iraq and the democracy there.
I also want to point out to people, a number I don't know
that are familiar with this, but Saddam Hussein does not
control the whole country. He doesn't control the north of
Iraq. He doesn't control the Kurdish region. It was
reported a number of Kurdish troops that are there that are
outside of his control. He has sporadic control in the
south of the country - controls it during the day and then
other times he doesn't.
His main control is in the center, in the Baghdad region of
the country. This is not a homogenous population, nor is it
completely under his authoritarian rule. We're going to be
able to work with populations in both the north and the
south to pressure and to build pressure in on him in the
center of this country when we move forward in addressing
and dealing with Saddam Hussein.
It is a big issue. It's a big issue for the country. It's a
big issue for the world. It's a big issue for liberty. It's
a big issue on dealing with a very militant strain of, a
militant politicized strain of Islam in that region and
particularly in Iraq that Saddam Hussein seeks to exploit -
even though he himself would not be viewing himself as
associated with it, he's certainly working to exploit that
at this point in time. This is an important argument and
discussion for this country and for the world.
http://www.nytimes.com/2002/10/04/national/04ITEX.html?ex=1034779483&ei=1&en
=419d87722d723d13
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以上。
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