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安倍首相が慰安婦問題で世界に向けて嘘をついたことは、卑劣な日本人の無責任きわまる行為だという意見が続発する原因になり、日本は全世界から猛烈な攻撃を受けているのに、それが英文だからといって報道されていないので国民は気づいていない。そして石原慎太郎が都知事選挙で勝ったというどうでもいいことに熱中して、日本が世界からもう攻撃されていることに気づこうとしていない。日本のメディアが報道しなくても安倍が如何に反動的な軍国主義者であり、戦前の日本の侵略主義を目指しているかについては世界は知り始めており、日本中が世界から袋叩きになって気がついても手遅れだし、安倍内閣が辞職しても損なわれた日本の信用は取り戻せないのである。こんな愚か者を首相にしたことによって日本は世界から見放され、亡国に向かうだけだと気がつくべきである。
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http://72.14.253.104/search?q=cache:RS1j8rnkkr8J:japanfocus.org/products/topdf/2302+Abe+Shinzo,ultra-nationalist,comfort+women,+,&hl=en&ct=clnk&cd=3&gl=us
Japan Focus
Japan’s Neonationalist Offensive and the Military
By John Junkerman
When Abe Shinzo was installed as prime minister in September 2006, there was some concern that he would push into high gear the ruling Liberal Democratic Party’s proposal (announced in November 2005) to revise Japan’s constitution and gut the no-war provisions of Article 9. He is, after all, known as a strong supporter of revision and often boasts that he inherited the DNA of his grandfather Kishi Nobusuke, who began pushing for revision of the constitution in the early 1950s. Kishi created a constitution review commission in the Diet (which proved fruitless) while he himself became prime minister later in that decade. Abe is eager to bring his grandfather’s, and the LDP’s, dream to fruition.
But Abe adopted a surprising and politically astute strategy, creating what is referred to in Japan as the “soft mood.” His first overseas trip, within weeks of taking office, was to Beijing and Seoul to mend relations strained by Koizumi Junichiro’s repeated visits to the controversial Yasukuni Shrine. Abe himself has dodged the question of whether he’ll visit Yasukuni in the future, assiduously avoided controversial statements, and, on the constitution, announced a go-slow approach that aims to bring about revision within six years (he assumes, with supreme confidence, he’ll remain in office that long).
Abe’s “soft” offensive (an opposition politician called it the “puppy-dog” approach) has reassured Japan’s neighbors and much of the Japanese media and public, but it has masked a very ambitious agenda, whose shape became clear in December with the passage of laws revising the Fundamental Law of Education and changing the status and mission of the Self-Defense Forces. It now appears that Abe’s go-slow approach is based on the assumption that he can accomplish much of his agenda without revising the constitution.
www.magazine9.jp
The LDP, in coalition with the centrist New Komeito Party, has a solid majority in both houses of the Diet, hence a free hand to legislate at will. Revision of the constitution, however, faces higher hurdles: a two-thirds majority vote in both houses of the Diet, followed by a majority vote in a national referendum. Though there is strong support for revision in the Diet, the public remains divided, especially on the issue of revising Article 9. Most polls show only a third or so of the public supporting revision of the no-war clause, and there is a widespread and growing movement to defend Article 9. A referendum at this point is no sure bet, so Abe’s decision to go slow can be seen as a tactical move. In the meantime, as his first three months in office indicate, he is moving aggressively on other fronts that may pave the way for a future constitutional assault.
The Fundamental Law of Education came into force in 1947 as a companion to the Peace Constitution, with the aim of preventing the reemergence of the nationalistic and militaristic state-controlled education system of the wartime years. The law embraced respect for individuality, the development of personality, and the nurturing of love of truth, peace and justice. It also contained a prohibition against “improper control” of education and the requirement that education be directly responsible to the people. Conservatives have long criticized the law, claiming that it overemphasizes individuality and forms the basis for “masochistic” education on the history of Japanese wartime aggression.
The revised law calls for cultivating “civic-mindedness [to contribute to the development of society]” and “an attitude that respects tradition and culture and love of the nation that fostered them.” The latter language was watered down from earlier drafts that explicitly stated the goal of teaching “patriotism,” but the aim is the same. At the same time, the requirement that education be directly responsible to the people was removed, shifting control over the direction of education from local school boards to the central government. What specific changes this will lead to remain to be seen, but the perennial conflict over the content of history texts, as well as the forced singing of the national anthem at school ceremonies give an indication of what is in store.
A recent analysis in the weekly Shukan Kinyobi revealed that 22 of 25 diet members in Abe’s Cabinet, the cabinet secretariat, and his core advisory staff are members of one or both of two ultranationalist alliances within the Diet. One is the Diet branch of the Shinto Association of Spiritual Leadership, an organization dedicated to promoting “Japaneseness,” reverence for the imperial family, and worship at Yasukuni Shrine. The other is the diet members alliance in support of the Japan Conference, which is committed to the full menu of neonationalist causes: historical revisionism, revising the constitution and education laws, Yasukuni, and cheerleading for the Self Defense Forces. Before becoming prime minister, Abe served as secretary-general of both of these Diet organizations, as well as of the History Education Alliance, a Diet support group for the Society for History Textbook Reform, which has led the assault on textbook references to Japanese war crimes or what it calls “masochistic history.”
Given this “Cabinet of pals,” as it has been called—a group that is thoroughly dyed one color, speaking the same language in an echo chamber of their own design—it is not surprising that Abe’s close ally, Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Shimomura Hakubun would suggest (as he did in October) that the government rescind its official apology, issued in 1993, for the suffering of the estimated 200,000 Asian women who were forced to serve as “comfort women” for the Japanese Imperial Army. Despite archival evidence of the role of the military in running the system and extensive testimony from its victims, the revisionists claim that these women were simply prostitutes like those that service any military force, and Japan has nothing to apologize for. As a result of this revisionist campaign, Japanese history textbooks, which had begun to address the story of the comfort women during the 1990s, no longer mention the issue.
With the revision of the Fundamental Law of Education, which passed the Diet on December 15, this effort to excise the uncomfortable history of colonialism and the Fifteen-Year War (1931-45) from the classroom can be expected to intensify. Japanese secondary schools already do a poor job in teaching modern history, but with their new mandate to teach “love of the nation,” the next generation will be increasingly clueless about Japan’s wartime excesses and the rationale for maintaining a Peace Constitution.
The upgrading of the Self Defense Force is the second prong of Abe’s campaign. Since its creation in 1954, the SDF has been under the administration of the Defense Agency, an agency of the Prime Minister’s Office, rather than being a full-fledged Cabinet ministry. This reflected its jerry-rigged status under Article 9 of the constitution, which prohibits Japan from maintaining armed forces. In the context of the Cold War, it was decided that military forces specifically limited to the defense of Japan were allowed, but they would operate under strict constraints.
In recent decades, those constraints were steadily eroded, resulting in the overseas dispatch of SDF forces, first to participate in UN peacekeeping operations during the 1990s and more recently to support the U.S. wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. The Air SDF continues to fly supplies into Iraq from Kuwait, while Maritime SDF ships have been providing refueling services to coalition ships in the Indian Ocean since the US-led invasion of Afghanistan in 2001. These steps have greatly expanded the activities of the SDF beyond its original purpose.
As of January 2007, the Defense Agency will become the Ministry of Defense, with independent status in the Cabinet. This has been sold as a measure to improve the morale of SDF members, who reportedly chafe at their perceived second-class status, especially when engaging in joint exercises with foreign militaries. This is not merely a symbolic move for the 240,000-strong military force with the fourth-largest military budget in the world. It is an important step toward institutionalizing and normalizing a military establishment within Japan.
While public attention focused on the status upgrade of the Defense Agency, the press has largely ignored the more significant companion revision of the Self-Defense Forces Law. This revision for the first time defines the SDF’s overseas activities as one of its primary missions. This ostensibly defense-only force is now charged and authorized to engage in military activities far from the Japanese archipelago, “in support of the peace and security of international society.” Japan’s support role in the US wars in Afghanistan and Iraq had required special legislation, as well as a tortured interpretation of the constitution, but these measures will no longer be necessary, as the overseas role of the SDF has now been solidified into law.
In parallel, upon becoming prime minister, Abe announced his intention to review the issue of “collective self-defense”—the doctrine under which an attack on an ally (the US) is considered an attack on Japan. Collective self-defense has long been understood to be prohibited by the constitution, but Abe has asserted that the constitution can be reinterpreted to make it permissible. Given the ongoing integration of the command and control structures of the SDF and the US military based in Japan, the foundation for collective self-defense is already in place. This last barrier to a full-fledged military alliance has been further eroded by Japan’s deployment of the US missile defense system, which was accelerated after North Korea tested a nuclear weapon in October.
"We will not wage war. We will not have a military. That's Article 9." www.magazine9.jp
Few constraints remain on Japanese remilitarization. But there is one, and it is highly significant. The constitution states that “the right of belligerency of the state will not be recognized.” Japan has a military. It will now have a Ministry of Defense. It now claims the right to send its military around the globe. But it doesn’t have the ability to declare war and it doesn’t have the authority to shoot to kill except in self-defense. Its military may be armed to the teeth, with the highest technology and lethal weaponry, but it is not authorized to pull the trigger. It can’t kill. For the present, Japan’s forces overseas are restricted to noncombat roles.
Japanese military convoy in Iraq
The authority to wage war is what Abe and his cohort want. It won’t come easily, which is why he is willing to go slow. But every step in that direction, from the ideological framing of history and education to the functional repositioning of Japan’s military, creates a “reality on the ground” that is further divorced from the word of the law. Ultimately, they aim to make the disjunction so extreme that there will be no choice but to abandon the Peace Constitution.
John Junkerman is an American documentary filmmaker, based in Tokyo. His recent film, “Japan’s Peace Constitution,” has been screened widely in Japan by groups dedicated to defending Article 9. Most recently he edited “Gai Shanxi and Her Sisters,” a film by Chinese director Ban Zhongyi about “comfort women” in Shanxi Province; the film will premiere in Tokyo on February 17. Information on both films can be found at www.cine.co.jp. “Japan’s Peace Constitution” is distributed in North American by First Run Icarus Films.
This article was written for the English pages, now under construction, of the content-rich and graphically inventive webzine “Magazine 9-jo”. Posted at Japan Focus on December 27, 2006.
三月末の「ガーディアン」に出たコメンタリー
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Comment No. 502980
March 30 3:39
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is an ultra-nationalist and extreme right-wing politician so he will never accept a political responsibility of war crime such as comfort-women, forced labor, and military atrocity. Because It is against his belief and the political tradition of his family blood. Shinzo Abe is not only the grandson of class ?A? war criminal Nobusuke Kishi but also second cousin of Yosuke Matsuoka.
Former Prime Minister Koizumi and current Prime Minister Abe and his cabinet members justify their worship at the Yasukuni shrine by their resentment to Japan?s military defeat. they don't care the consequence of other countries' fearing in the international arena and they love to express their militaristic sentiment at Yasukuni shrine.Yasukuni shrine is extremely important for Yasukuni cult (Japanese ultra-nationalist and militarists)to warship a patriotism and emotional homeland of imperial heritage.
Prime Minister Abe and Foreign Affairs Minister Aso are well known fanatic politicians with wild enthusiasm for nuclear rearmament and their daydream are retaliation to old enemies if they had sufficient ICBM and satellite system. Mr.Francis Fukuyama's view point looks to be too naive to understand their deep psychology of Japanese ultra-nationalists.
「オーマイ・ニュース」に出た「安倍よ恥を知れ」の記事
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http://72.14.253.104/search?q=cache:smM-eXLStLIJ:www.ohmynews.com/function/rss_ArticleView.asp%3Flng%3Deng%26at_code%3D403387+shame+on+you+Abe,&hl=en&ct=clnk&cd=1&gl=us
Shame on You, Mr. Abe'
[Opinion] The denial of 'comfort women' (sex slaves) is Japan's national shame
Yoshi Tsurumi (internews)
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Published 2007-04-10 11:49 (KST)
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his Sankei News contacts are spending an enormous amount of Japanese tax payers' money and are spreading lies to quash the U.S. House of Representatives' "Comfort Women Resolution"(H. Res 121). Their activities are dishonoring Japan and the Japanese and damaging America's leadership in the world. On the contrary, the real pride of America and Jana is those Americans of Japanese ancestry and Japanese nationals who continue to press Japan to own up to its war responsibilities.
Shaken by a continued fall of his support rating, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is pandering to Japan's neo-nationalists. On March 1, he declared that the Imperial Armed Force did not abduct "comfort women" (sex slaves). This was his signal to join the neo-nationalists in denying Imperial Japan's responsibilities for World War II, wartime atrocities and brutal rules in her colonies and occupied countries. Mr. Abe arbitrarily denied the 1993 official statement of then Cabinet Secretary, Yohei Kono. It acknowledged and apologized for the Imperial Armed Force's abduction and atrocious treatment of tens of thousands of Korean, Chinese and other women for use as sex slaves. Abe's denial of Kono's statement deprives Japan of her moral and political authority in demanding North Korea to account for its post-World War II abduction of Japanese nationals.
Only last October, on his state visit to China and South Korea, Mr. Abe acknowledged both Kono's statement of 1993 and Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama's statement of 1995. Murayama's statement acknowledged the "Pacific War" to be Imperial Japan's aggression. (Japan refers to Imperial Japan's war in Asia and the Pacific, 1930-45, as the "Pacific War" including its war with the U.S., 1941-45.) Thus, Mr. Abe was mending Japan's relations with China and South Korea. They had been frozen due to his predecessor, Mr. Koizumi's obsession with paying defiantly official tributes to the war dead including Hideki Tojo and other Class A war criminals consecrated by the Yasukuni Shrine, Tokyo. This shrine is the Japanese neo-nationalists' Mecca. How would Americans react if the German Chancellor paid an official tribute to a Hitler Memorial? Mr. Koizumi boasted, "President George W. Bush does not have a problem with my worshiping at the Yasukuni." Now, Mr. Abe's about-face denial of the comfort women is jeopardizing Japan's relations with China, South Korea and other Asian nations.
America should also be alarmed. Mr. Abe's denial of comfort women reflects his denials of Imperial Japan's responsibilities for the war with the U.S., the mistreatment of American and other POWs including the Death March of American POWs in Baatan, the Philippines, the Rape of Nanking (Imperial Armed Force's massacres and rapes of Chinese civilians, 1937-38). Mr. Abe also denies the legitimacy of the Far East Tribunal -- Japan's equivalent of the Nuremburg Judgment of Nazi war criminals. According to him, President Franklin Roosevelt tricked Japan into attacking Pearl Harbor, and the Pacific War was the "Great Asia Sacred War" against American, British, Chinese, French and Dutch imperialism. America's continued silence on Koizumi's Yasukuni worship has already weakened America's democratic leadership in Asia. America's timid response to Abe's denial of comfort women will further hurt America's leadership in the world.
Shinzo Abe, the Deaf
Asian, American and European publics quickly criticized Mr. Abe's about-face denial. They have not forgotten Imperial Japan's atrocities and her unfinished atonement for them. The New York Times published scathing reports on Abe's obsession with the "Great Asia Sacred War." A conservative English journal, The Economist (March 10) rhetorically asked in its editorial, "Is he (Mr. Abe) deaf?" Mr. Abe was turning his deaf ears to all those testimonies of former comfort women and Japan's credible historians as well as to the testimony of former Japanese soldiers involved in the abduction of sex slaves. All these testimonies have survived rigorous reviews by international courts.
Mr. Abe continues to assert that "since there is not yet found the official document linking Imperial Armed Forces to the abduction of sex slaves, they did not abduct them." This is as if a murderer destroys his murder weapon and claims his innocence because of the missing weapon. He arbitrarily dismisses, as "fabrications," all the testimonies of credible Japanese and other Asian eye witnesses and circumstantial evidence. In the U.S., Europe and the Middle East, such twisted denial is similarly used by the deniers of the Nazi Holocaust and sex enslavement of Jews.
In the U.S. and Europe, the Holocaust deniers are limited to fringe fanatics among politicians and journalists. In Japan, however, many politicians, business leaders, academics, and journalists who should know better are nevertheless afflicted with their same warped views of Japan's history as Mr. Abe. By erasing Imperial Japan's wartime atrocities from school text books, they are mass-producing the nationalistic ignoramuses like Mr. Abe. The Economist concluded, "Shame on You, Mr. Abe."
The "Comfort Women Resolution" of the U.S. House of Representatives
At present, there are bi-partisan efforts of the U.S. House of Representatives to pass the resolution -- "the Government of Japan should formally acknowledge, apologize, and accept historical responsibility in a clear and unequivocal manner for its Imperial Armed Force's coercion of young women into sexual slavery, known to the world as 'comfort women,' during its colonial and wartime occupation of Asian and the Pacific Islands..." This is the resolution that retired Congressman Lane Evans (Democrat, Illinois) started in the Republican-led House and has since been revived by Congressman Mike Honda (Democrat, California). It is also supported by former American POWs of Imperial Japan.
Congressman Honda has already enabled a former Korean "comfort woman" to testify in the Congressional hearing to the abduction and ordeal of sex slaves. He is well aware of the evidence that has been uncovered by Japanese and other investigators of the "comfort women" issues. Just before Imperial Japan's surrender in August 1945, the high ranking officials of the Ministry of Interior and Ministries of Army and Navy were hastily dispatched to the colonies and occupied territories to destroy the evidence linking Imperial Armed Forces to the sex slave abductions. In occupied Indonesia, the Japanese army and navy turned the Dutch women prisoners into the sex slaves of Japanese officers. After Imperial Japan's surrender, the Dutch Military Tribunal put to death those Japanese officers responsible for the sex enslavement of Dutch women prisoners and Indonesian women (the "Smelang Affairs"). The similar executions of responsible Japanese officers occurred in the Philippines. Congressman Honda is aware of the court martial records of the Smelang and other affairs.
Yoshiko Sakurai, an apologist for Abe, is unabashedly defending Imperial Armed Forces by asserting that "in Indonesia, the sex enslavement of Dutch women prisoners lasted only for two months." Does she mean that one or two time sexual molestations do not count as a "rape" or "abduction"? She also asserts that "the comfort women were not attached to Imperial Armed Forces." Doesn't she know that Imperial Forces transported Korean sex slaves of the "floating comfort stations" from one occupied island to others in the South Pacific?
The Honda Resolution (H. RES 121) is easily available from Congressman Honda's Web site. It reflects America's legitimate pursuit of Japan's unfinished war responsibilities. Today, Germany still continues to pursue on its own the crimes committed by the Nazis and atone for them. Unlike Germany, however, Japan's prime minister and the ruling party are perpetuating the fiction of "the Great Asian Sacred War." They are damaging the political, military, and economic stabilities of the Asian Pacific region. To Congressman Honda, an American of Japanese ancestry, Japan's atonement for its war responsibilities is vital for America's national interest as well as for his ancestors' honor. The Resolution will help Japan's democratic elements to hold in check Abe Japan's dash back to the 1930s.
Abe's Anti-Honda Lobbying
To quash Honda's Resolution, Prime Minster Abe is spending Japanese taxpayers' money to carry out Washington lobbying. This lobbying is being carried out by Hogan & Hartson. It has already cost Japanese taxpayers easily $300,000. Probably knowing that they cannot whitewash Abe Japan's denial, the lobbyists have been merely asserting that the Japanese government has already acknowledged and apologized for the comfort women in Kono's statement of 1993. But Abe's recent public denial of Kono's statement torpedoed the lobbying message. The Hogan & Hartson lobbyists have not even contacted Congressman Honda.
At present, the lobbyists in Tokyo and Washington are relying on Washington correspondent of the Sankei News, Yoshihisa Komori, and his Japanese partners in lobbying, Yoshiko Sakurai and Hideaki Kase -- the well known amplifiers of the Great Asian Sacred War propaganda. They are attacking Congressman Honda by falsely portraying him as the "stooge of China." Yoshihisa Komori is painting Abe as a "true upholder of democracy," but is known in Washington and Tokyo as Abe's "duplicitous PR man." Mr. Abe's clumsy anti-House Resolution lobbying is damaging the honor of Japan and the Japanese.
Congressman Honda is an American of Japanese ancestry born in 1941. He spent his childhood in the wartime "Relocation Camp" of Japanese Americans, which has become the historic blemish of America. Even before 2000 when he was elected to the House of Representatives, Congressman Honda had been active in the political and legal campaigns to have the U.S. Supreme Court acknowledge the unconstitutionality of the coercive relocation of Japanese Americans and to have the U.S. government apologize for it and compensate the victims.
Once in the House, Congressman Honda has been active in redressing the injustice and discrimination done to Asian, Latino and other Americans. At present, he is pressuring the Bush Administration to come clean on the "friendly fire cover-up" of Private Pat Tillman killed in Afghanistan. He has been opposed to President Bush's Iraq War and Occupation. As a result, Congressman Honda has been returned to the 110th Congress from his district with a whopping 72 percent majority vote. Abe, Komori, Kase, Sakurai, and Sankei news are so transparently untrustworthy that they are making Congressman Honda and his supporters all the more credible for challenging Abe Japan's denial of war responsibilities.
Abe's Audience with President Bush
On April 26, President Bush is going to receive Prime Minster Abe at Camp David. President Bush is already politically weakened because of his Iraq quagmire and endless revelations of his involvement in one scandal after another. As a result, he is likely to squander his opportunity to prove his statesmanship. Instead, he will turn Mr. Abe's visit into a media event to showcase his "Iraq Success."
To perpetuate his failed occupation of Iraq, President Bush is going to demand Japan's continued contribution of men, money, and goods. In addition, at the scheduled joint press conference, Abe will be expected to make a strong statement of "supporting President Bush's Iraq Policies." Facing the upper house election in July, Abe is hoping that his self-inflicted wounds of the "Comfort Women" fiasco at home and abroad would be soothed by President Bush's continued silence of Abe's denial of comfort women. Instead, if President Bush counsels Prime Minister Abe to carry out, on his own, what the Honda Resolution is seeking. America's democratic leadership in the world will be helped.
Yoshi Tsurumi is a professor at Baruch College, the City University of New York.
This article originally appeared in The Shukan Kinyobi (The Weekly Friday), a Japanese Equivalent of The Nation, No. 358, pp. 16-17, April 13, 2007.
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