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小泉首相の今回の訪米に関してイギリスの「エコノミスト」誌と「フィナンシャル・タイムズ」紙が、首相の靖国参拝についての懸念が米国で高まっている旨を報じた。
「エコノミスト」誌７月１日付は、２、３週間前まで小泉首相が目論んでいたアメリカ議会での演説が実現せず、結局エルビス・プレスリーのメンフィス郊外にある旧宅、グレースランドへの訪問となったことに言及し、次のように論評した。
議会からグレースランドへ場所が変更した理由には、首相が、１４人のＡ級戦犯を含む戦没者を祀る靖国神社へ在任中に５度も参拝したこと。これへの懸念の高まりがあげられる。日本への懸念が最も強いのはアジアにおいてはであるが、アメリカにおいても懸念は存在する。戦争中に日本人に虐待された米兵も多数いる。さらにアメリカの政策担当者は、日本の鈍感さが台頭する中国との関係構築をより難しくしている、と時にはいらだつこともある。
首相の議会演説が俎上にのぼったとき、下院の外交委員長ヘンリー・ハイド氏（大戦経験者）は、首相の靖国参拝を理由に、ルーズベルト大統領が日本の真珠湾攻撃を非難した演台を使って小泉首相が演説するのは適切ではないと反対し、首相のアメリカ議会での演説は立ち消えとなった。
以上が「エコノミスト」誌記事の概要だが、記事の全文は次のとおり(記事はG-Searchデータベースより)。
Japan and America: Don't leave me now
The Economist , n950 , The Economist ed , p79 , Saturday , July 1, 2006
George Bush's best Asian buddy is retiring
WITH the only world leader to have serenaded him with the Elvis Presley song "I want you, I need you, I love you" retiring in a couple of months, President George Bush may soon feel a bit lonesome. For his friendship with Junichiro Koizumi was based on more than just tender words. After the attacks of September 11th, Mr Koizumi threw his country behind America. Stretching Japan's pacifist constitution to its limits, he sent refuelling ships to the Indian Ocean to help America against the Taliban and troops to help reconstruction in Iraq. By inviting Mr Koizumi to Washington on June 29th, Mr Bush wanted to say goodbye and thank you.
The alliance is in far better health than during the 1980s, when American politicians complained of a Japanese economic invasion and a few alarmists even predicted conflict. Mr Koizumi has long looked forward to this trip as his swansong, say aides. Yet something is not quite right. A few weeks ago, Mr Koizumi looked set to be accorded that rarest honour, an address to a joint session of Congress. Now, it transpires, the highlight of the trip will be a pilgrimage with Mr Bush to Graceland, Elvis's home outside Memphis.
Fair enough: Mr Koizumi is an ardent Elvis fan. But the change of venue may spring from worries at the five visits he has made as prime minister to the Yasukuni shrine in Tokyo, which honours Japan's war dead, including 14 Class A war criminals. Suspicion of Japan is strongest in Asia, but there's a bit about in America too. Many servicemen were brutally treated by the Japanese during the war. And American policymakers sometimes fret that Japan's insensitivity makes engaging with a rising China harder.
So, when the possibility of an address to Congress was mooted, Henry Hyde, the chairman of the House International Relations Committee and a war veteran, wrote to the speaker, Dennis Hastert. It would, said Mr Hyde, not be appropriate for Mr Koizumi to use the podium used by Roosevelt to denounce the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour if he then made his annual visit to Yasukuni on August 15th, the anniversary of Japan's defeat in 1945. The idea of an address to Congress melted away.
Still, he and Mr Bush have substantial issues to discuss. Most recently, the importance of America's alliance with Japan has been underlined by North Korea's preparations to test a long-range missile. America and Japan share an obvious interest in persuading Kim Jong Il not to lob missiles in their direction. Japan feels less threatened, however, by Iran's apparent intention to build nuclear weapons. Urged by America to help it isolate Iran, it fears that this would cut off one of its main sources of oil.
Japan's interests were not exactly the same as America's in Iraq, either, but Mr Koizumi backed Mr Bush in part because the stakes, for Japan, were lower. Its oil supply was not threatened, and its commitment of troops was largely symbolic. For America, however, preventing Iran from going nuclear is of paramount importance, and doing so peacefully depends in part on Japan supporting any sanctions regime. Japanese officials, however, are very keen to see agreement at the UN Security Council--unlikely, given China's reluctance to let the issue interfere with its own quest for oil.
A final tension between America and Japan concerns trade. If the Doha trade talks are not to collapse, both countries must open their farm markets more. Japan is especially reluctant to do so, as was illustrated by a recent spat over American beef, in which fears of mad-cow disease strengthened the hands of protectionists.
What of the future? Given Mr Koizumi's friendship with Mr Bush, many worry that relations between America and Japan may cool after he goes. That will depend on Mr Koizumi's successor. Of the two main contenders, Yasuo Fukuda wants to mend relations with China by, among other things, drawing the Yasukuni sting. The favourite, Shinzo Abe, is more overtly hawkish. But either will surely find that, whatever they feel about America, they need it.
Copyright (c) 2006 Economist Newspaper
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