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8月16日付フィナンシャル・タイムズ紙は、小泉靖国参拝（8月15日）を批判するとともに「小泉後継者の任務は靖国論争を鎮めること」として具体的な提言を行った。
フィナンシャル・タイムズ紙は「日本の戦犯を讃え、日本の過去のアジアにおける侵略を無視する、この記念碑（靖国神社のこと）を小泉首相が執拗に参拝することは、アジアにおける日本のリーダーシップを願う気持ちを危うくし、日本に国連安保理常任理事国になってもらいたいという支持をもそこなった」と指摘した。
その上で小泉後継の次期日本首相に対して次のように提言した。
まず神社内の戦争博物館（遊就館のこと）の、日本を西洋列強の犠牲者とし、アジアの解放者として描き出す戦争観を根本的に改め、代わってもっと正確でバランスのとれた戦争の歴史観を提供できる展示物に変えること。
第二に、東京裁判の正当性に対して繰り返し疑念が表明されているが、日本は自ら戦争責任と戦時の行為について自己批判すること。そのような過程を経てこそ、戦犯の靖国合祀について（分祀についても含めて）どう扱ったらよいか、国民的合意が得られるだろう。
最後に靖国には、国籍や敵味方に関係なくあらゆる戦没者を祀る鎮霊社があることを指摘して、より平和的でコスモポリタンな神社になるよう提言している。
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http://www.ft.com/cms/s/1a567b88-2cc3-11db-9845-0000779e2340.html
Koizumi's successor must settle the war shrine row
By Mike Mochizuki
Published: August 16 2006 03:00 | Last updated: August 16 2006 03:00
In his final weeks as Japan's prime minister, Junichiro Koizumi finally fulfilled a political promise made more than five years ago to pay his respects to the war dead at the controversial Yasukuni shrine on August 15, the anniversary of the end of the second world war. Although much of Asia is appalled by Mr Koizumi's audacity a month before his retirement, attention now turns to what his successor - who will be selected in September - will do.
Mr Koizumi's persistent visits to this memorial, which honours Japanese war criminals and ignores Japan's past aggression in Asia, have jeopardised Japan's leadership aspirations in the region and east Asian support for Japan's quest to become a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. By inflaming anti-Japanese nationalism in China and South Korea, the Yasukuni issue has made it difficult to manage contentious territorial disputes, competition over maritime economic interests and mistrust about long-term strategic intentions.
This year, Beijing and Seoul have toned down their criticisms regarding the prime minister's visit to Yasukuni to encourage restraint by Mr Koizumi's successor. But if Japan's next leader rebuffs these expectations and continues with regular visits to the shrine, then the Chinese and Korean backlash fuelled by populist nationalism could be fierce. In this context, Japan's new assertiveness, especially in the security realm, could become a destabilising factor in east Asia and alarm even the US.
The recent revelation that Emperor Hirohito ceased his pilgrimages to Yasukuni after 1975 because of his disapproval of the enshrinement of Class A war criminals, however, provides a possible way out. After Emperor Hirohito's views became known, public opposition to shrine pilgrimages by following prime ministers increased and the option of "de-enshrining" the war criminals has garnered more support.
Shinzo Abe, who is almost certain to succeed Mr Koizumi, has so far refused to clarify his current stance on Yasukuni. But it was recently revealed that Mr Abe had quietly visited the shrine in April after assuming thepost of chief cabinet secretary. Openly questioning the judgments of the Tokyo war crimes trials, Mr Abe harbours a more conservative view of Japan's war history than Mr Koizumi.
If Mr Abe does become prime minister, he can use the political force of his nationalist credentials to resolve the Yasukuni issue in a lasting manner. He can do this by ending prime ministers' pilgrimages to the shrine until it is thoroughly reformed.
First, the war museum located on the shrine grounds would be fundamentally altered: instead of portraying Japan as the victim of western encirclement and as Asia's would-be liberators, a new exhibit would provide a more accurate and balanced view of war history.
Second, given the persistent Japanese misgivings about the justice of the Tokyo war crimes trials, Japan would engage in its own self-reflection about war responsibility and wartime behaviour. After such a process, Japan would reach a national consensus about how to deal with the enshrinement of war criminals at Yasukuni, including their possible de-enshrinement.
Finally, Japan would cultivate the seed of reform within Yasukuni. The Yasukuni compound contains a small shrine called Chinreisha (Spirit Pacification shrine) that was established in 1965. Although its origin is shrouded in mystery, part of it is dedicated to war dead regardless of nationality, including those from adversary countries. It symbolises Yasukuni's potential to become a more pacifying and cosmopolitan memorial - one that both the Japanese emperor and prime minister could visit and pay respects to the war dead without provoking controversy.
By pushing for reforming Yasukuni, Mr Abe as prime minister could revive Japan's international image and restore its influence in Asia. But if he continued Mr Koizumi's practice of pilgrimages without reform, then Japan's relations with neighbouring countries would deteriorate further, undermining efforts to foster an east Asian community and increasing tensions in the region.
These negative international consequences would then feed back into Japan's domestic politics. The opposition Democratic party, led by Ichiro Ozawa, would try to use the Yasukuni issue to defeat the ruling Liberal Democratic party in the summer 2007 election of the upper house of the Diet. Mr Abe now faces the critical choice between becoming one of Japan's acclaimed statesmen and becoming a fleeting prime minister, taking Japan further down the road of regional diplomatic isolation.
The writer holds the Japan-US relations chair at George Washington University
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