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ブラジルのメディアにも小泉や安倍の政治に関してのコメントで、ゾンビ政治であることが伝わっているようだ。オリジナル記事はポルトガル語である。
http://www.espacoacademico.com.br/065/65bueno.htm
靖国カルトに属している狂信的な政治家が首相になる日本の実態について、世界がそのいかがわしさについて気づき始め、日本への信頼が崩れ始めたことを物語っているようだ。引用されている[[Japan’s Zombie Politics]]という本は、日本では「小泉純一郎と日本の病理」という題でベストセラーになったが、日本語版と英語版では大幅に内容が違うらしい。アメリカのメディアにも「靖国カルト」という言葉が使われており、日本人が国に殉じた英霊と思っているものが、創価学会やオウム真理教並みのカルト扱いになり始めた。ブラジルの雑誌に出た記事を読むのに、自動翻訳した訳文はいたって読みにくいが、その英訳版は以下の如し。
http://translate.google.com/translate?hl=en&sl=pt&u=http://www.espacoacademico.com.br/065/65bueno.htm&sa=X&oi=translate&resnum=10&ct=result&prev=/search%3Fq%3DJapan%2527s%2BZombie%2Bpolitics,%2Bhajime%2Bfujiwara%26hl%3Den%26lr%3D%26sa%3DG
Shinzo Abe: a new star in the sky of Japan? Or only the continuation of Koizumi?
When Shinzo Abe assumed the position of prime minister of Japan day 26 of September of 2006, it was assuming the place of one of the controverted leaders more of Japan after the world-wide war, Junichiro Koizumi. As its predecessor, Abe also is of the Democratic Liberal Party; however, if he does not know to the certainty if it goes to the same follow route of Koizumi in all the areas.
What one knows, at least in accordance with the majority of periodicals in such a way of the Japan as of the United States, is that Abe is nationalistic. E, in this complicated and controverted word, if finds the root of what it could be the government of Shinzo Abe, who soon comes after the administration of Junichiro Koizumi, during which, for the first time, if placed in doubt one of articles most sacred of the Japanese constitution, article 9, that it says:
Inhaling sincerely to the based international peace in justice and the order, the Japanese people resigns forever to the war as a sovereign right of the nation, and to the threat or the use of force as a way of resolution of international disputes.
2) In order to reach the objective of the previous paragraph, [apparatus] of land, sea and Air Force, as well as other potentials of war, never will be kept. The right of belligerence of the state will not be recognized. [1]
During its administration, Junichiro Koizumi made friends, and made enemies. In itself, this is not only noteworthy because all the politicians, when they assume the positions the one that if candidataram, finish in a way or another one entering in conflicts. But Koizumi already assumed the power in 2001 promising to shake chains of being able of its proper party, and to destroy the chefões that had been in the power since the end of the war in 1945.
The campaigns politics in Japan are very interesting, and during the campaign of 2001, when I still liveed in the region of the Kansai, close to Osaka and Kobe, Junichiro Koizumi it came until the region to make an assembly. It placed itself in the high one of a truck that more seemed the truck of the electric trio, and of there, encircled for other candidates - all using white gloves - it spoke and thundered and promised that he would go to take off the Japan of marasmo economic where if he found and to make a general cleanness. The people was delirious of joy.
For many Japanese that knew in the occasion, the figure of Koizumi was a welcome change after prime minister Yoshiro Mori, who had practically inherited the position due to sudden death of prime minister Keizo Obuchi in May of 2000. Koizumi was younger, more dynamic, and, in accordance with the Japanese with who I talked in the occasion, it he promised to finish with the corruption and the method of manipulation it to be able for backwards them curtains. Although Koizumi was of the same party that if has kept in the power for as much time, some Japanese if showed frankly optimistical and believed that the things went to move. But they will have moved really?
In Japan' s Zombie Politics - the Tragedy in Four Parts (the politics of dead-livings creature of Japan-A tragedy in four 2 parts) [], launched in 2005 in Japanese, and 2006 in English, Hajime Fujiwara makes a cutting analysis of the politics of Koizumi, and of the history of the Democratic Liberal Party, with its you intrigue palacianas, its arrogant game dirty, its attitudes with the people and the welfare of the Japanese. As the heading indicates, the book has four parts, (1) “Of the cellar to the kitchen of the witch”, (2) “Night in the forest and the cave”, (3) “Night of Walpurgis”, and (4) “desapontador Day in the dungeon”.
Hajime Fujiwara was born in Tokyo, but it made its studies of doutorado in structural geology in the University of Grenoble in France. Now it is commentator politician, deferred payment is of Japan has years, but always he remains in contact with intellectuals and professors of the country, which it visits annually. As it says in the book, the fact to live far from its country the aid to see the situation politics with more clarity. This book is the culmination of its research and its debates with people, and, it says in the introduction, its intention is “to diagnosis the pathological effect of the Koizumi administration on Japan and its citizens”.
To make this diagnosis, Fujiwara examines the history of the family of Koizumi, and presents tests that, during the war of Japan with China (1894-1895), and of Japan with Russia (1904-1905), it was a involved criminal organization with the game in the region of Yokosuka, led for Yoshibei Koizumi. After the death of Yoshibei, the work was for Matajiro Koizumi, grandfather of Junichiro Koizumi. Hajime writes that Matajiro was the first one of the family if to penetrate in the politics, first as councilman in the city hall of Kanagawa, and later as representative. In this position, Matajiro if involved in the rebellion of Hibiya, in 1905. This rebellion was the first incident in Japanese history where Populism was used to support the militarism. This is an important point in the book, because Fujiwara weaves its thesis from this event to indicate the populist source of Junichiro Koizumi and its militarista trend.
In fact, as some Japanese feared already during its campaign politics, Koizumi took some measures during its government that had proven this trend. First, it it visited the Yasukuni temple, in the center of Tokyo. This temple contains the mortal remains of many deceased in the war but, especially, they contain the remaining portions of considered men criminal of war. When visiting the temple, Koizumi caused great malaise in the relations with China and Korea, two countries that had suffered at the hands of the Japanese forces during much time. In contrast, prime minister Obuchi, in solemn occasions, participated of ceremonies as the one that it appeared in 15 of August of 1999, to mark the 45 years of the end of World War II, in the Nippon Budokan Hall.
Another attitude of Koizumi that enraged, of this time a great part of the proper Japanese, was the sending of troops of the Forces of Auto Defense to Iraq. According to it, these forces were being sent for “humanitarian reasons”, to assist in the reconstruction of Iraq. But this explanation hardly would obtain to ludibriar the public opinion, that wise person who the Japanese forces were in Iraq to guarantee the alliance with the United States and, through this alliance, the Japanese interests in relation to the existing oil in Iraq. In an attitude, that confirms the interpretation of Fujiwara regarding the arrogant attitude of Koizumi in relation to the Japanese people, it it did not remove the troops of Iraq while she did not want. The public opinion did not move it, and it only decided that it was hour of the troops to come back toward house when, in accordance with it, they already “had fulfilled its mission”. In the reality, all are in agreement that Koizumi alone removed the troops to facilitate the transistion to the government of Abe, and the critical one to Japan for the sending of forces alone was minor who the fear that the country returned to the belicoso state that took it to the invasions of Korea and China, the war against Russia, and of the disaster that it was World War II.
One another measure controverted taken during the Koizumi government was the fight for the privatization of the post offices, that, until the change, functioned as a species of public saving bank. Koizumi dismantled the system, alleging that it did not help the people with its interests we baixíssimos, and served as a “crutch” for politicians, exactly of its proper party. Although great celeuma caused by the attempt, and the dissolvição of the Senate and invocation of new elections, Koizumi got sufficients votes to obtain the privatization.
But Koizumi decided, pparently of one hour for the other, as soon as the measure affecting the post offices was accomplished, to leave the government of Japan. In accordance with Norimitsu Onishi, of the New York Times, “Mr. Koizumi may have nurtured such an ironclad relationship with Mr. Bush that he was rewarded with farewell road trip you the Graceland. But he brought Japan' s relations with China you their lowest point in decades, and presided to over the rise of narrow nationalism at home and Japan' s diplomatic isolation in the region” - “Mr. Koizumi kept a so firm relation with Mr. Bush who it was awardee with a farewell trip the Graceland. But it took the relations of Japan with China to its lower point in decades, and presided over the increase of the Japanese closed nationalism and to the isolation diplomatist of Japan in the region” (19 of September of 2006).
Although all these high and low, Koizumi finished its government with 50% of approval on the part of the public. Norimitsu Onishi, in article the same mentioned above, says that experts affirms that the renewal of the economy of Japan if must not it Koizumi, but to private the internal reorganization of the company and to florescente commerce with the Chinese economy.
In the end of its book, Zombie Politics, Fujiwara launch some forecasts of possible scenes for the three patrimonial states of Asia, and finish with a critical one to the international media that, according to it, apóia Koizumi because it defends the interests of companies multinationals. With the beginning of the government of Shinzo Abe, these forecasts certainly will be ece of fishes to the test. For the Japanese that if oppose to the militarization of Japan, these are extremely tense times, and many fear that the moral authority of Japan, obtained when the country resigned to the war, is in game.
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