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★阿修羅♪
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茶jューヨークタイムズ：
破落戸NY市長、ジュリアーニが、911の死体担ぎで、ブッシュ応援演説を準備中。
日本でも、靖国公式参拝強行で、「英霊」と称する死体を担ぎ、税金泥棒の元殺し屋軍人と遺族の支持を維持しようとする婦女暴行逮捕歴首相が、8月15日を迎えようとしている。
アメリカでは、911自作自演謀略を、またぞろ大統領選挙の「梃子」に使う策略が、進行中なのである。
死体担ぎは、裸の猿属の得意芸である。
百人斬りの嘘も同様で、言論詐欺師の似非紳士、元・朝日新聞記者、本蛇蝎一もやる。それを中国の共産党政権が使う。果てしない嘘の付き合いには、もう、うんざりである。
「真実を語ることにしか関心がなかった」との率直な感動の批評を受けたジョージ・オーウェルは、1950年に、47歳で死んだ。それからすでに54年、暗然たる想いで、私は、今年の8月15日、敗戦記念日を、3日後に控える。
http://www.nytimes.com/2004/08/12/politics/campaign/12rudy.html?th
August 12, 2004
Leveraging Sept. 11, Giuliani Raises Forceful Voice for Bush
By JENNIFER STEINHAUER
Just weeks before the Republican National Convention hits his hometown, Rudolph W. Giuliani is emerging as a central player in the Bush re-election effort, attacking John Kerry, racing around the country campaigning and directly leveraging the events of Sept. 11 in ways that President Bush and many of his closest allies have not dared.
In Boston during the Democratic National Convention, the former New York City mayor uttered his latest much-quoted Rudyism: "I don't need Michael Moore to tell me about 9/11." And when Mr. Kerry attacked the president's initial response to the terrorist attack, it was Mr. Giuliani who was dispatched to respond for the Bush campaign.
Now, as the Republicans prepare to gather in New York City, he has emerged as a potent political symbol who evokes the nation's initial response to the 9/11 attack. Mr. Giuliani said in an interview yesterday that in his address to the convention, he will speak almost exclusively about that fateful day.
The terrorist attack "is the single most significant event that has happened in the last four years, and is maybe one of the most important events in our history," Mr. Giuliani said in a telephone interview. "So it has to be an issue in the election. Not discussing it would be like conducting an election for Abraham Lincoln and not discussing the Civil War."
The alliance of Mr. Giuliani with the Bush campaign and the national Republican Party is in many ways quite remarkable, given his often ambivalent relationship to both. While the Bush team has much to gain from Mr. Giuliani's surrogacy, his enthusiasm in supporting the president may say just as much about his own aspirations.
Numerous political consultants and former and current colleagues of Mr. Giuliani note that he is trying hard to raise his profile among voters and fund-raisers, and to repair his image with the more conservative core of the party, all to lay the groundwork for a future campaign, perhaps even the presidency.
"It is not always evident when you are going to make a withdrawal from the favor bank of politics," said Kieran Mahoney, a longtime Republican consultant, "but it is always obvious when you are making a deposit."
Indeed, Mr. Giuliani's history with the Republican Party may have left him with many fences to mend. In 2000, Mr. Giuliani supported John McCain in the Republican primary, infuriating the Bush team and breaking from most Republicans in the state. That came just six years after he stunned fellow Republicans with a rare cross-party endorsement of Mario M. Cuomo, a Democrat, in his bid for re-election as governor.
Even yesterday, while vigorously defending President Bush, Mr. Giuliani seemed to float away from his party's talking points, declaring Mr. Kerry qualified to be president, even if he would not vote for him.
Mr. Giuliani said the fact that Mr. Kerry had been elected to the United States Senate four times and had a war record made him "absolutely" qualified to be president. "It would be a terrible mistake for the Republican side to argue he is not qualified."
His rapprochement with the Republicans comes after years in which the national party often shunned him, particularly when he did things like support President Clinton's crime bill in 1994 and stay with a gay couple during his much-publicized divorce.
Add to this cocktail the usual political accouterments of a New York Republican - being a gay-friendly politician who supported abortion rights and gun regulations - and it is hardly a surprise that Mr. Giuliani was not always a Republican star.
But that was all before 2001. Mr. Giuliani's role in marshaling the city after the 9/11 attack that year endeared millions of Americans to him, and for many he embodied the nation's fight against terrorism before issues like the war in Iraq caused many to question the Bush administration's foreign policies.
"There is no question that Giuliani was highly esteemed for his post-9/11 role," said Howard Phillips, the chairman of the Conservative Caucus. "And his leadership seemed to be more natural than that of G.W.B. Giuliani does not share responsibility for so much of what went wrong with the war, because he was not in office."
Terry Holt, the spokesman for Mr. Bush's campaign, conceded that Mr. Giuliani's opposition to a constitutional amendment banning gay marriage, his support of abortion rights and his staying with the gay couple during his divorce might alienate him from the party's base. But, he said, "On the big issue that faces this country, Mayor Giuliani and President Bush walk arm and arm."
Many Republicans are hoping that by speaking out forcefully for Mr. Bush, Mr. Giuliani can sway swing voters who may not like some of Mr. Bush's policies but are nevertheless comforted by the idea of leaders who have steered the nation through the Sept. 11 attack and its aftermath.
"Rudy Giuliani gives the Bush campaign the Good Housekeeping seal of approval with swing voters," said Scott W. Reed, a Republican strategist who managed Bob Dole's presidential campaign in 1996. "A sliver of undecided voters could be the secret. And let's face it, this is smart politics for Giuliani as he looks down the field for statewide or national office."
For his part, Mr. Giuliani may be looking for approval from Republicans outside New York. Although he attended scattered fund-raisers for candidates as mayor, he has since become a regular. He has spoken at fund-raisers for candidates from Chicago to Denver to South Carolina; by his count, he went to 25 states for Republican candidates in 2002.
Asked whether he would run for president in 2008, Mr. Giuliani laughed heartily, but did not deny it other than to say: "Two thousand eight is too far off for anyone to be a potential candidate, and it interferes with President Bush's re-election efforts. It is not something I am talking about, not something I am thinking about."
The former mayor said he believed that Mr. Bush was in the better position to protect the country from further terrorist attacks.
"One of the reasons the world is safer now is that we are going out and trying to find our enemies and demobilizing them," he said. "I was sitting there in Congress the night Bush announced the Bush doctrine. And I remember leaving that night feeling better that the president of the United States had reversed 20 or 30 years playing defense" against potential enemies, he said.
It was in Boston during the Democratic convention last month that Mr. Giuliani's new role emerged in full force. His news conference, during which he denounced the filmmaker Michael Moore, drew hundreds of spectators and received international attention. It was there that he called Mr. Kerry "the most liberal member of the Senate," and, as The Telegraph of Britain pointed out, "The word 'liberal' is used as a term of abuse in America."
Later, when Mr. Kerry attacked Mr. Bush's behavior in the minutes after learning of the 9/11 attack, it was Mr. Giuliani who fired back: "John Kerry is an indecisive candidate with an inconsistent position on the war on terror."
Mr. Giuliani said yesterday that he would continue to work the stump: "I have been doing and will do a number of battleground states. I am going to devote a good deal of time getting the president re-elected."
Mr. Giuliani's most visible role will be at the convention, where he will give a prime-time address.
"I have written my speech already," Mr. Giuliani said yesterday. "I will change it five times before I get there. It is largely on the theme of terrorism and how the president's leadership has gotten us through the worst attack in the country and made us stronger."
As if no one would believe him, he added once again: "It is actually written out. I did it myself."
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