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米WT:欧メディアはブッシュ=ブレア同盟を斜に構えて観測中なり。
ヨーロッパでの報道を引きながらブッシュ政権批判の趣あり。
ドイツが一番辛辣。戦争でブッシュとブレアは鎖で繋がれた奴隷となり、犯罪でブッシュと結ばれたブレアは、米大統領選挙の前に嵐か奇蹟が起きでもしなければ、選挙での勝利は望めない。
さてさて、この記事の発表と踵を接して、トルコで爆発が相次ぎ、ブッシュらは、かねて用意のものではないかと疑われる内容の再度の「テロリストとの断固たる戦い」を宣言したのであった。
嵐か奇蹟か、それとも自作自演の謀略か。
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A64586-2003Nov20.html
European Press Skeptical About Bush-Blair Partnership
By Jefferson Morley
washingtonpost.com Staff Writer
Thursday, November 20, 2003; 10:06 AM
As President Bush and Prime Minister Tony Blair meet amid pomp and circumstance in London -- and an attack on British interests in Istanbul -- commentators across Europe observe the Anglo-American partnership with squinted eyes.
Some like what they see. ABC (in Spanish), a leading Spanish daily, praised the two men on Wednesday as strong leaders who are flexible on strategy but persistent in achieving their objective: "to end decades of tyranny in Iraq."
But most continental observers are more skeptical. In Old Europe and in New Europe alike, pundits see the American chief executive and British prime minister abandoning their original strategy for governing post-war Iraq and trying to come up a new approach. With the United States now saying it will turn over power to Iraqis next summer and start withdrawing its troops, Bush's long-term commitment to Iraq is widely questioned. So is Blair's influence on Bush.
"For once, America needs Great Britain," writes Charles Lambroschini, a columnist for the center-right Paris daily Le Figaro (in French). "To distract attention from its debacle in Iraq. George W. Bush has everything to gain from his visit to London. Blair has everything to lose."
In Lambroschini's view, the Bush-Blair friendship is un march de dupes, a fool's bargain.
When it came to the build-up to war in Iraq, Lambroschini argues, "Bush took without giving."
"When Blair sought a United Nation's resolution before engaging British troops in Iraq, Donald Rumsfeld, the chief of the Pentagon, retorted brutally that the American army was enough powerful to get along without of the assistance of the British."
Blair's hope that he can serve as an intermediary between Europe and the United States is an illusion, he says.
"The bridge that Great Britain pretends to be between Europe and the United States rests on a mirage." Lambroschini predicts Bush's trip may actually undermine relations between the two countries. "If it goes badly, the president will move the British away from America."
In Germany the radio network Deutsche Welle quotes the daily newspaper Schwabische Zeitung as saying that "The war has chained Bush and Blair together like slaves on display."
"Even if Blair wanted to, he couldn't separate himself from his brother in crime, argued the Schwabische Zeitung. "They can only hope the storm building in their countries calms and a miracle in Iraq happens, especially before the next US presidential election."
The paper suggested that Blair is at the mercy of Bush "who holds the steering wheel in Iraq."
"If they pull-out early, chaos will follow. If they stay, the number of dead soldiers will rise and the opposition to their governments will grow. The only choice Bush and Blair have is to choose the lesser of the two evils."
In Moscow, Marianna Belenkaya, a political analyst for the Russian Information Agency-Novosti, wonders about "Bush's U-turn" on the question of quick Iraq sovereignty.
"Will it lead to ever more disastrous consequences?" she asks.
"Will the terrorists consider this to be a victory over the United States?
"For their part, Europe and Russia, which have long been calling for sovereignty to be given to the Iraqis, cannot fail to consider the role of the international community, above all the United Nations, in this process. Indeed, the transfer of power may be turned into a formality, while the reins of government will remain in the hands of the United States."
Belenkaya is one of several commentators who skeptically note Iraq administrator Paul Bremer's assertion that Iraq's constitution should embody "American values."
"The transfer of sovereignty to the Iraqis is the only possible option," she argues. "It is a tragedy that Washington had to suffer so many losses to understand this. But the new strategy may also be a failure, if American politicians are more concerned about American voters rather than Iraqis' interests."
Leopold Unger, writing for Poland's leading daily, Gazeta Wyborczej (in Polish) is more hopeful.
"The United States is at a turning point as it seeks a new policy," he writes. "It is not coping in Iraq. Its losses are growing and its strategy (if it does have one) is in an impasse."
Unger sees Bush inching toward a more European viewpoint.
"The United States is taking into account some of the arguments raised by opponents of the war in Iraq, mainly those that call for handing over the attributes of power to the Iraqis."
"The United States is abandoning (only partially, but still) the unilateralism it has been so fiercely criticized for in Europe. It agrees that the United Nations should play a greater and more active role in Iraq."
Europe, he says, "should help the United States find a way out of the situation. The policy of 'the worse things get, the better' is tantamount to political suicide. . . . French Foreign Minister de Villepin has expressed his readiness to 'stretch out a hand' to the United States."
In Portugal, the center-right daily, Diario de Noticias (in Portuguese), is not reassured by the Anglo-American leadership.
"Eight months after the military intervention in Iraq, Bush and Blair desperately need to calm their citizens, who are shocked by the daily dramatic reports coming from the battle front," the editors wrote.
The plan to turn over the government to Iraqis by next summer is designed to assure the public "that there is a solution. However, this is not enough to make all the doubts over Iraq disappear automatically."
"The situation does not appear to be better now than it was before," the editors conclude."