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鬼畜米英は、いずれしぶといイスラムに放逐されるだろう。
http://www.asyura.com/0304/war32/msg/508.html
投稿者 クエスチョン 日時 2003 年 4 月 20 日 11:09:12:WmYnAkBebEg4M

鬼畜米英は、いずれしぶといイスラムに放逐されるだろう。


5個目の段落の、シーア派とスンニ派が一緒になってデモをして
>They carried banners saying, "No UK and no USA", "No Relations with Israel,"
>and "Jihad, Jihad".

と言うところも、既に伝えられているところではあるが、注目箇所だ。そ
して、同じように注目したのは教義の「taqiya 」について説明したこの
箇所、

>One of the fundamental tenets of Shia Islam is taqiya or dissimulation.
>In other words, if his faith or well-being are in danger, a Shia is allowed
>to lie. For this reason, trying to learn the truth about infighting
>between Shia leaders, or their attitude towards US forces, requires patience
>and interpretation.

つまり、自分たちの信仰や生活が脅かせれる時には、それを守るために
「嘘」をつくことが積極的に許されていることだ。大事なのは辛抱強さと
観察とある。イスラム教シーア派の必須・原理的な教義と言うのがまたい
い。銃を突きつけられて星条旗を渡されたら、「危ない」と思ったら、腹
の底とは違って星条旗を振るくらいのことは眉一つ動かさずに平気でやっ
てのけるだろう。まさに生活の知恵だ。いいぞ「taqiya 」(笑)


以下、「腕撫すシーア多数派」と言う、アイリッシュ・タイムズからの転載。

The Shia majority begins to flex its muscles
http://www.ireland.com/newspaper/world/2003/0419/688560883FR19LARA.html

Iraq's religious majority: Anger in Baghdad contrasted with religous fervour
in Najaf, from where Lara Marlowe writes

For Iraq's Shia majority, it was a day of celebration; for US and British forces,
a day of warning.

Tens of thousands of Shia religious pilgrims obeyed their leaders by starting
out on foot for the holy city of Kerbala, to mark the 40th day after the
commemoration of the 8th century "martyrdom" of Imam Hussein. This is the first
time in more than 30 years that the Shias have been able to hold the march,
which was banned by Saddam Hussein.

In his first Friday prayer sermon, Sayyid Muqtada al-Sadr, the heir to the most
evocative name in modern Iraqi Shia history, spoke repeatedly of Iraq's newfound
"religious freedom". No one had preached at the Kufa Mosque near Najaf since al
-Sadr's father was murdered four years ago.

And the Dawa Party, the Iraqi Shia movement founded in 1956, opened its first
public offices in Najaf and neighbouring Kufa, amid hopeful talk of a democratic
future.

But while Shias practised their religion freely in the holy cities of the south,
in the capital, Shias and Sunnis participated in the first substantial protest
in Baghdad against the presence of US and British forces. Some 2,000 men
gathered at the Mohsen Mosque in Sadr City, north Baghdad, after Friday prayers.
They carried banners saying, "No UK and no USA", "No Relations with Israel,"
and "Jihad, Jihad".

The demonstrators walked several kilometres to the nearest US position, where
they shouted slogans including, "Occupiers go home. We will never let you stay
in Iraq." The tense, increasingly anti-American mood in Baghdad contrasts
sharply with the more reflective feeling of Najaf, the holiest city in Shia
Islam. The two cities fared differently in the war. Baghdad was bombed and
shelled, whereas US forces were careful to skirt the Shia shrines, for fear of
raising an outcry in the Muslim world.

The coffins of war victims were strapped to the roofs of cars travelling south
yesterday. All Shias want to be buried in Najaf, like the sect's founder, Imam
Ali, and the centre of the city is a huge cemetery.

The funeral journeys mixed with tens of thousands of pilgrims, heading in groups
towards Kerbala.

While US military convoys sped past, raising clouds of dust, the barefoot
pilgrims walked or ran by the roadside, to imitate the suffering of Imam Hussein
: hi-tech war passing medieval pageantry. The pilgrims carried symbolic banners
- green for Islam, black for mourning, red for blood and revenge, white for
peace. The women, all wearing chadors, moved separately, like flocks of black
birds.

On Najaf's main square, in front of Imam Ali Mosque, vendors sell colour
photographs of ayatollahs and other religious leaders, the way postcards of
movie stars are sold on Hollywood Boulevard. Among the most popular images are
those of Sayyid Muqtada al-Sadr, the popular young Shia leader who yesterday
preached his first sermon. The title "sayyid" means the holder is a direct
descendant of the Prophet Mohammed, and is allowed to wear a black turban.

Sayyid Muqtada is the grand-nephew - not the grandson, as often mistakenly
reported - of Ayatollah Mohammed Bakr Sadr, "the first martyr" executed by
Saddam Hussein in 1980. Muqtada's father Mohammed became "the second martyr"
when he and two of his sons were murdered in 1999. The inhabitants of Najaf
rarely bother to speak their names. "The first martyr" or "the second martyr"
are adequate identification. "All Iraqi Shias feel an attraction towards this
[al-Sadr] family and its persons, because they are well known for sacrificing
for the Shia," Sayyid Mustafa Jaffar al-Yacoubi told me in Sayyid Muqtada's
office, just off Imam Ali Square. Contrary to widespread reports that Sayyid
Muqtada is only 22, Sayyid al-Yacoubi insisted he is 30. And he defied anyone to
challenge young Muqtada's knowledge of the Koran or Shia learning. Sayyid
Muqtada, his acolyte claimed, is supported by three quarters of Iraqi Shias,
close to 45 per cent of Iraq's population.

One of the fundamental tenets of Shia Islam is taqiya or dissimulation. In other
words, if his faith or well-being are in danger, a Shia is allowed to lie. For
this reason, trying to learn the truth about infighting between Shia leaders, or
their attitude towards US forces, requires patience and interpretation. In
Sayyid Muqtada's entourage, they speak only of differences between "traditional"
and "active" howzah or schools of theology in Najaf. The "active" theologians
believe religious leaders should become involved in the day-to-day running of
society.

The example of Islamic Iran is foremost in everyone's mind. "I want an Islamic
Republic, but with justice," a former prisoner from the Dawa Party said. "
Because we have knocked on all the doors and we don't see any just Islamic
Republics." There is no difference between politics and religion, Sayyid Jaffar
said, "but men of religion and politicians do not have to be the same ones -
that is the main difference between us and Iran." The Iraqi people, he added,
were "closing an evil period" and "know very little about how other countries
are ruled." For 35 years of Baathist rule, most Shia leaders practised taqiya to
survive. For the moment, rifts are mostly about whether they tried to live
peacefully under the regime or actively fought it. Now, says a Shia named Tariq,
"Everyone is practising taqiya against the Americans, because we are under
occupation. The Shia leadership is divided and confused; they're trying to find
their bearings."

Shias in Baghdad have repeatedly told me they will fight the Americans if they
don't leave. Their spiritual leaders in Najaf are more cagey. "The Americans
said they wanted to liberate us and search for weapons of mass destruction,"
Sayyid Jaffar said. "This is the desire of all Iraqis. They say that afterwards,
they will let the Iraqis rule themselves, so we don't have any problem with
these two goals." And if the Americans take Iraqi oil, or overstay their welcome?
"We will take a decision at the time," Sayyid Jaffar said.

Thousands of men packed into the Kufa Mosque - where Imam Ali was "martyred" in
the 8th century by a fellow Shia - to hear Sayyid Muqtada's first sermon.
Considering the young sheikh's reputation, it was bland to the point of boring.
He started by excoriating the foreign media for saying the Shias had been
looting, then urged his followers to walk to Kerbala. The howzah (religious
schools) represented Shiaism's hidden Imam, who is expected to return, Christ-
like, to bring eternal peace to the world. Sayyid Muqtada listed qualifications
for a Shia leader, all of which he fulfilled. He thanked God - not the US - "for
religious freedom and for liberating us from dictatorship." Sayyid Muqtada's
only allusion to the US was a complaint: "The superpower launched the war," he
said. "There should be a return to general services for the people, like
electricity and water. But some refuse to do this; I don't want to say who they
are."

Sayyid Muqtada's criticism of the Tehran-based Ayatollah Mohammed Bakr Hakim,
one of his main rivals, was more pointed. "Religious people who went into exile
should not have left," he said. "The country needed them." Sheikh Ali al-Maliki,
Sayyid Muqtada's military leader, told me that the "Badr Brigades" - Iranian-
backed Shia fighters who have infiltrated Iraq since the US-led invasion - were
driven out of Sadr City in north Baghdad on Thursday night.

Suddenly, it all made sense: the nervousness of militiamen in Sadr City, the
vague allegations of "Wahabi" and "Baathist" attacks on the Shia slums. The
Shias are in fact fighting each other, and trying to keep it secret.

Sheikh Ali was also angry about the seizure of former regime buildings by a
plethora of political parties. Kurdish groups, the "National Unity Party", the
former exile Ahmed Chalabi, Mohammed Zubaidi - who on Thursday proclaimed
himself Mayor of Baghdad - and others have all set up offices, but US forces
were still denying Sayyid Muqtada's "Sadr Movement" such a privilege. "If they
don't give us one, I will take the buildings and attack the parties inside,"
Shiekh Ali threatened. Asked how many armed men he commands, he answered, "A lot.
Most of the men in [the Baghdad districts of] Ash-Shaab, Kadhimiyah, Shu'ala
and Sadr City."

The Dawa Party officials I met near the Kufa Mosque were happier with the
present state of things. The Dawa paid the highest price for Saddam's rule. Now,
there is no reason why Islamic parties cannot "play an active role in a new
Iraq, free of weapons of mass destruction and terrorist training camps," Sayyid
Hassan al-Mussawi said. Although they share the same founders and theologians as
the "Sadr Movement", the Dawa make no wild claims about their support. "We were
living in secret for so long," said Sayyid Hassan's brother, Hussein.

"There were one or two or three people in a street. We didn't know each other,
except through remote channels." The Dawa members feel confident the people of
Iraq will "express their opinion at the ballot box". "But there is something
dangerous we are concerned about," Sayyid Hussein added. "They are changing
parties into militia forces. This is preparing the ground for civil war." Which
parties?

But the old, secretive instinct kicked in. "I cannot tell the names, but it is
real; it exists," he responded.

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